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THOMAS PLATTER 

AND 

THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 
OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 



BY 

PAUL MONKOE, Ph.D. 

PROFESSOR IN THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION, TEACHERS COLLEGE 
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 



NEW YORK 

D. APPLETON AND COMPANY 

1904 



|Llfip«av ** r».ow««FSS 

Twrv «vun!«« terMved 

OCT 19 1904 
[ s* towrtsht Entry 

■ ! l ~L.. ' h i . 






Copyright, 1904, by 
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY 



PRINTED AT THE APPLETON PRESS 
NEW YORK, V. S. A. 



EDITOK'S PEEPACE 



A summer traveller in the Alps leaves Lausanne, 
on Lake Geneva, on a slow train and goes up the valley 
of the Ehone, reaching Visp in four or five hours. The 
river Visp here flows into the Ehone. Visp is the name 
of the parish in which the author of this autobiography 
was born. It is a parish in the canton of Yalais. In 
the autobiography the canton is spelled Walless, and 
the modern spelling is Wallis. It includes the valley of 
the Ehone from the upper end of Lake Geneva to its 
source in the Ehone glacier. Our traveller, who is sup- 
posed to make a journey from Lausanne to Zermatt, 
leaves Visp on the bridle road going up the river, and 
in a couple of hours arrives at Stalden, where the river 
divides into two branches, one going to the eastward 
of a spur of the Monte Eosa mountains, the highest of 
which rises nearly to the height of fifteen thousand feet, 
Monte Eosa itself reaching the height of 15,217 feet. 
This fork or branch is called the Saaser Visp from its 
chief village of Saas. To the westward of this high 
spur of Monte Eosa is the valley of the Gorner Visp 
flowing down from the immense Gorner glacier, swelled 
by the addition of seven other great glaciers from 



Vi EDITOR'S PREFACE 

Monte Eosa, the Matterhorn, the Breithorn, and other 
enormous mountains. Monte Eosa is the highest moun- 
tain in Switzerland, and next to Mt. Blane the highest 
mountain in all the Alps. As our traveller goes on 
towards the south, ascending the Gorner Visp, the vast 
white mountain tops come to view one after the other. 
The huge mass of the Weisshorn, 14,800 feet high, is 
seen directly after reaching Stalden, entirely covered 
with snow. 

Our traveller is in the neighbourhood of the birth- 
place of Platter. Between Stalden and St. Mcklaus 
there is the town Graechen; perhaps it is the Grenchen 
of which he speaks. The Platter family, he says, were 
called Platter from the plat or platten or blatten, a 
level surface or table-land or plateau on the top of a 
high mountain near Grenchen. 

He further speaks of the town of Eisten, which is 
near Graechen, and is to be found on the Saaser fork of 
the Visp. He went there when he was six years old. 
Here were his experiences in herding the eighty goats 
a year or two later. We have mention of larger towns 
in the Ehone valley, such as Munster, Morel and Brieg, 
and of the Grimsell Pass, which leads over into the 
Haesli valley and to the lakes Brienz and Thun. After 
his marriage Platter made a visit to his native parish 
of Yisp, climbing over the Grimsell Pass (seven thou- 
sand feet), his wife nearly freezing on the summit be- 
fore descending into the Ehone valley. 



EDITOR'S PREFACE v ii 

Our autobiographer, Platter, after he becomes a 
famous scholar, travels on one occasion through the St. 
Gall region on the west side of Lake Constance, the 
region which is celebrated by Scheffel the poet in his 
romance Ekkehard. He speaks also of Toggenburg 
and of crossing the country to Schwytz and the Uri 
Lake in the William Tell region, and finally into the 
valley of the Urser. His friend Henry Billing finds the 
journey too rough for him and returns to Basel, while 
Platter goes on to his home canton, Valais. In his wide 
journey through Nuremburg, Thuringian forest, and 
Saxony to Breslau in Silesia, we get glimpses of schools 
and churches and very ancient foundations. His jour- 
ney was soon after the year 1500, and the dates of 
some of these old foundations go back to the eighth 
century. 

Our glimpse of St. Gall is very interesting. It was 
founded by an Irish missionary, Gall, the son of an 
Irish king of the same family as the celebrated St. 
Bridget. He was brought up by Columban, the most 
celebrated of Irish missionaries, who, filled with fiery 
zeal, laboured among the Burgundians and border- 
lands of the Merovingian monarchy. He converted the 
Teutonic tribes living on the east, who were still Odin 
worshippers, to Christianity. Columban was born in 
Leinster in 540. He brought a band of disciples with 
him and came to the court of Gontram in Burgundy 
about the year 573. He obtained a place for a monastery 



viii EDITOR'S PREFACE 

in the Vosges Mountains, the site of an old Roman forti- 
fication, in Tranche Comte. He founded a monastery 
also at Luxeuil to the south of the Vosges. 

Later on Columhan with his disciples from Ireland 
and Burgundy moved eastward, following the Rhine up 
to Lake Constance. Gall, the disciple of Columban, 
learned the Swiss dialect and attacked the idolatry of the 
worshippers of Odin with such fury that he kindled a 
persecution and his companions barely escaped with 
their lives from the outraged heathen, whose altars 
they desecrated. They crossed Lake Constance and 
took up their residence at Bregenz at the upper end. 
After three years Columban crossed the Alps into 
Lombardy, leaving his disciple Gall at Bregenz. He 
established a new monastery at Bobbio in the Apen- 
nines some thirty or forty miles northeast of Genoa. 
Columban died in 615, but Gall, whom he left ill at 
Bregenz, commenced his labours on the west side of 
Lake Constance and began the foundations of what 
became the Abbey of St. Gall. He worked for thirty 
years in this place and died in 645. He had in the 
meantime converted the heathen Odin worshippers 
about him to Christianity. Afterwards this monas- 
tery grew to be the most famous one north of the Alps. 

There were upwards of fifteen thousand of these 
monasteries more or less like this one of St. Gall, 
founded on the plan of St. Benedict. There came later 
an improved plan matured by St. Bernard, and nearly 



EDITOR'S PREFACE J x 

one thousand monasteries were founded on the model 
of the one at Clairvaux. 

A charming description of this piece of medieval 
civilisation is quoted by Henry Barnard (Journal of 
Ed., vol. xxiv, p. 539) from Christian Schools and 
Scholars, vol. i, from which I have selected the follow- 
ing passages: 

" The Abbey of St. Gall owed its origin to an Irish 
disciple, of that name, of St. Columbanus, who, in the 
seventh century, penetrated into the recesses of the Swiss 
mountains, and there fixed his abode in the midst of a 
pagan population. ... In the ninth century it was 
regarded as the first religious house north of the 
Alps. ... It lay in the midst of the savage Helvetian 
wilderness, an oasis of piety and civilisation. Looking 
down from the craggy mountains, the passes of which 
open upon the southern extremity of the lake of Con- 
stance, the traveller would have stood amazed at the 
sudden apparition of that vast range of stately buildings 
which almost filled up the valley at his feet. Churches 
and cloisters, the offices of a great abbey, buildings set 
apart for students and guests, workshops of every 
description, the forge, the bakehouse, and the mill, or 
rather mills, for there were ten of them, all in such 
active operation that they every year required ten new 
millstones; and then the houses occupied by the vast 
numbers of artisans and workmen attached to the mon- 
astery; gardens, too, and vineyards creeping up the 



x EDITOR'S PREFACE 

mountain slopes, and beyond them fields of waving 
grain and sheep speckling the green meadows, and far 
away boats busily plying on Lake Constance, and carry- 
ing goods and passengers. ... It was, in fact, not a 
town, but a house — a family presided over by a father, 
whose members were all knit together in the bonds of 
common fraternity. . . . Descend into the valley, and 
visit all these nurseries of useful toil, see the crowds of 
rude peasants transformed into intelligent artisans, and 
you will carry away the impression that the monks of 
St. Gall had found out the secret of creating a world of 
happy Christian factories. Enter their church and 
listen to the exquisite modulations of those chants and 
sequences peculiar to the abbey which boasted of possess- 
ing the most scientific school of music in all Europe, 
visit their scriptorium, their library, and their school, 
or the workshop where the monk Tutilo is putting the 
finishing touch to his wonderful copper images, and his 
fine altar frontals of gold and jewels, and you will think 
yourself in some intellectual and artistic academy. But 
look into the choir, and behold the hundred monks who 
form the community at their midnight office, and you 
will forget everything, save the saintly aspect of those 
servants of God who shed abroad over the desert around 
them the good odor of Christ, and are the apostles of the 
provinces which own their gentle sway. . . . Quit 
the circuit of the abbey and plunge once more into the 
mountain region which rises beyond, but you will have 



EDITOR'S PREFACE x i 

to wander far before yon find yourself beyond the reach 
of its softening humanising influence. Here are dis- 
tant cells and hermitages with their chapels, where the 
shepherds come for early mass ; or it may be that there 
meets you, winding over the mountain paths of which 
they sing so sweetly, going up and down among the 
hills into the thick forests and the rocky hollows, a pro- 
cession of the monks carrying their relics, and followed 
by a peasant crowd. In the schools you may have been 
listening to lectures in the learned, and even in the 
Eastern tongues; but in the churches, and here among 
the mountains, you will hear these fine classical scholars 
preaching plain truths, in barbarous idioms, to a rude 
race, who, before the monks came among them, sacrificed 
to the Evil One [to Odin and the gods of Valhalla], 
and worshipped stocks and stones. . . . They were 
Greek students, moreover. . . . The beauty of their 
early manuscripts is praised by all authors. They 
manufactured their own parchment out of the hides of 
the wild beasts that roamed through the mountains and 
forests around them, and prepared it with such skill 
that it acquired a peculiar delicacy. Many hands were 
employed on a single manuscript. Some made the 
parchment, others drew the fair red lines, others wrote 
on the pages thus prepared; more skilful hands put in 
the gold and the initial letters, and more learned heads 
compared the copy with the original text, this duty 
being generally discharged during the interval between 



x jj EDITOR'S PREFACE 

matins and lauds, the daylight hours being reserved for 
actual transcription. . . . Among the masters and 
scholars was Iso, 'a doctor magnificus,' whose pupils 
were in great demand by all the monasteries of France 
and Burgundy, and Moengall (or Marcellus, a nephew 
of the Irish bishop Marx, both of whom entered the 
cloister in 840, on their return from Eome), who ex- 
tended, if he did not introduce, the study of Greek into 
the interior schools. . . . The pupils of the latter, 
Notker, Eatpert, and Tutilo were distinguished for rare 
scholarship, and in music, sculpture, and painting. 
Tutilo could preach both in Latin and Greek." 

The name of Notker is familiar to those of us inter- 
ested in the Latin hymns of the Middle Ages, such as the 
Dies Irae, the Stabat Mater, the Horn Novissima, for 
he contributed some of the favourite antiphones, among 
which is the Media Vita. 

Media vita Juste irasceris ! 

In morte sumus ; Sancte Deus, Sancte fortis, 

Quern querimus adjutorem, Sancte et misericors Salvator, 

Nisi te, Domine, Amarae morti 

Qui pro peccatis nostris Ne tradas nos ! 

There is no page in the early history of education 
more interesting than that which tells of the schools of 
Ireland, which produced so many missionaries to the 
Teutonic tribes, to the Picts and Scots and to the 
Northmen. I copy the following sentences from a 
long quotation made by Henry Barnard in the same 
volume : 



EDITOR'S PREFACE x [[\ 

" During the sixth and seventh centuries," says Dr. 
Dollinger, "the Church of Ireland stood in the full 
beauty of its bloom. The spirit of the gospel operated 
amongst the people with a vigorous and vivifying power ; 
troops of holy men, from the highest to the lowest ranks 
of society, obeyed the counsel of Christ, and forsook all 
things that they might follow Him. There was not a 
country of the world, during this period, which could 
boast of pious foundations or of religious communities 
equal to those that adorned this far distant island. . . . 
The schools in the Irish cloisters were at this time the 
most celebrated in all the West ; and in addition to those 
which have been already mentioned, there flourished the 
Schools of St. Finian of Clonard, founded in 530, and 
those of Cataldus, founded in 640. ... In the year 
536, in the time of St. Senanus, there arrived at Cork, 
from the Continent, fifteen monks, who were led thither 
by their desire to perfect themselves in the practices of 
an ascetic life under Irish directors, and to study the 
Sacred Scriptures in the school established near that 
city. At a later period, after the year 650, the Anglo- 
Saxons in particular passed over to Ireland in great 
numbers for the same laudable purposes. On the other 
hand, many holy and learned Irishmen left their own 
country to proclaim the faith, to establish or to reform 
monasteries in distant lands, and thus to become the 
benefactors of almost every nation in Europe. . . . 
Such was St. Columba, who is the apostle of the North- 



XIV EDITOR'S PREFACE 

ern Picts in the sixth century; such St. Fridolin in the 
beginning of the same century, who, after long labours 
in France, established himself on the Ehine ; such the 
far-famed Columbanus, who, at the end of the century, 
was sent with twelve of his brethren to preach in France, 
Burgundy, Switzerland, and Lombardy, where he died." 

Like St. Patrick, their eminent example, these Irish 
missionaries preached an idea of the divine strongly 
in contrast with the nature worship of the Teutonic 
tribes who worshipped Odin. Odin, like Zeus, was a 
personification of the meteorological process (so to 
speak) — the sky, the sun, the terrific energy of the 
thunder-storm. The Christian idea conceived God to 
be entirely transcendent, a One Person elevated above 
nature and self -subsisting without the aid of the world 
in time and space. Hence St. Patrick said to the 
heathen who believed in fairies and nature-spirits — a 
whole system of petty demons: 

" Our God is the God of all, the God of heaven and 
earth, the God of the seas and rivers, the God of the sun 
and moon and all the other planets; the God of the 
high hills and of the low valleys; God over heaven, in 
heaven, and under heaven. ... He gives life to all 
things ; He moves all things ; He gives light to the sun 
and to the moon; He creates fountains in the dry land 
and places dry islands in the sea; He made the stars 
to attend the greater lights. He hath a Son coeternal 
and coequal with Himself, and the Son is not younger 



EDITOR'S PREFACE xv 

than the Father, nor is the Father older than the Son, 
and the Holy Ghost breatheth in them, and the Father 
and Son and the Holy Ghost are not divided [as if he 
had said all your commonplace ideas are inadequate to 
think the nature of the true God] .... I desire to 
unite you to the Son of the heavenly King." * 

St. Patrick explained that all men are His children 
and that this all-powerful God was moved by such love 
for them that He gave his Son to die in order to save 
His children straying away from holiness and divine 
perfection. 

The Teutonic chieftains, to whom came Columban, 
Boniface and St. Gall, were not slow to perceive the 
difference between nature gods and a One God not 
merely sovereign over nature, but having an independ- 
ent, higher being than nature. 

This was suited in a marvellous way to their sense 
of individuality, which made them the least God-fearing 
of the races of men. Tacitus pronounced them securi 
adversos deos. Their gods were selfish and did not look 
upon men as, in their very essence, partakers of eternal 
being. 

But these Irish missionaries preached like St. 
Patrick, their prototype, a religion at last that satisfied 
to its deepest depths the Teutonic love of personal rec- 

*The above is partly quoted from The Conversion of the Teu- 
tonic Race, p. 203. St. Patrick arrived in Ireland a. d. 432. He 
was born in Gaul a.d. 373 and died in Ireland 493. 

2 



xv i EDITOR'S PREFACE 

ognition. The highest God, though Creator of the 
heavens and the earth, yet was not forgetful of man in 
his uttermost feebleness, but kept man in His thoughts 
and came to his help by infinite condescension, even 
taking mortal suffering on His divine Self in order 
to recover His wayward and lost children. 

This is the secret of the conversion of the heathen 
peoples of the German forests. This is what is con- 
tained in the first great education — the missionary edu- 
cation that went out from Eome in the early centuries 
of our era and spread from new centres, Ireland, Iona, 
Lindisfarne, St. Gall, Eichenau, Einsiedeln. 

" Quo Vadis ? " "I go to Eome to be crucified 
again." Let me go with Thee. I too will participate in 
the infinite self-sacrifice and losing myself utterly shall 
find myself infinitely. 

The toil and suffering of Thomas Platter in his 
efforts to get an education seem excessive from the point 
of view of modern provision of free schools for the peo- 
ple. But his book gives us glimpses of older founda- 
tions, all of which were laid in martyrs' blood, and on 
which the structure of our civilization securely rests. 
We must, in our study of the history of pedagogy, of 
which Platter's Autobiography is one of the precious 
sources, go on back to the early narratives of the mission- 
aries who taught in their schools the fundamentals of 
civilisation. We must go back of the educational re- 
formers to the educational martyrs. 

W. T. Harris. 

"Washington, D. C, September, 1904. 



AUTHOE'S PREFACE 



The Autobiography of Thomas Platter, written in 
1572, but not published until the eighteenth century, 
furnishes the best known account of the life of the 
wandering student of the later middle ages. There is 
scarcely a phase of the educational life of the sixteenth 
century that is not illumined by the concrete details 
and enlivened by the personal touch found in this little 
narrative. The crude and simple story, despite its 
awkward style, possesses a charm of freshness and of 
frankness that has made it a tale of delight to children, 
and may well make it one of instruction to adults. 
The translation is a faithful rendering and aims to 
preserve all the simplicity and naivete of the original, 
even though the results may at times be crude. No 
apology is needed for presenting this story as a type 
of the great changes in education, in religion, and in 
the thought life of the sixteenth century. The earnest 
life, so naively depicted, furnishes a splendid example 
in the concrete of the momentous changes of that time. 

xvii 



xviii AUTHOR'S PREFACE 

More is to be learned from this humble toiler in the 
ranks concerning the educational aspirations, the de- 
tails of school life, and the work of instruction than 
from the weighty treatises of the famous leaders of 
the times or from the work of modern scholars. 

The autobiography is not wholly unknown in Eng- 
lish, but has never been completely translated. As 
early as 1839 an incomplete version by "the transla- 
tor of Lavater's Maxims" was published in London 
by Wertheim. The translator, however, could not re- 
sist drawing the moral in greater detail than Platter 
himself had done, and the frequent religious disquisi- 
tions, interpolated for the sake of the modern Sunday- 
school scholar, destroy some of the frankness and real- 
ism of the story of the old school-master. Published 
as a story for children, so much of the more important 
material from the educational point of view was omit- 
ted that the volume was little more than an abstract. 
Selections were also published in Barnard's American 
Journal of Education, vol. v, p. 79; while more re- 
cently briefer selections have appeared in Whitcomb's 
Source Book of the Eenaissance (Philadelphia, 1900). 
The present translation is based primarily on the mod- 
ernized German edition of J. E. Eudolf Heman (Gii- 
tersloh, 1882). The author is indebted for assistance 
in the revision of the manuscript to Prof. Jeannette 
Zeppenfeld, of Franklin College, and to Prof. Franklin 
T. Baker, of Teachers' College, Columbia University. 



AUTHOR'S PREFACE xix 

The appended bibliography, composed for the most 
part of various editions of Platter's life, was compiled 
by Prof. Earl Barnes from the catalogue of the Brit- 
ish Museum, and was intended for a work similar to 
the present one, contemplated by Prof. Will S. Mon- 
roe. This conjunction of plans did not become known 
until the final proofs of the present volume had 
appeared. In availing himself of the generous offer 
of the results of this research, the author desires to 
express his indebtedness and his thanks to both of 
these gentlemen and, at the same time, to indicate his 
regret that the issue of this volume has rendered useless 
some exacting scholarly work upon their part. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Thomas Platter's Leben. "Wegen seiner Merkwiirdigkeit. 
Neii herausgegeben von E. G. Baldinger. Pages xii, 244. 
8vo. Marburg, 1793. 

The Autobiography of Thomas Platter, a schoolmaster of the 
sixteenth century, translated from the German by the 
translator of Lavater's original maxims (Elizabeth Anne 
McCaul, afterwards Finn). 12mo. London, 1839. 

Thomas Platter und Felix Platter, zwei Autobiographien. Ein 
Beitrag zur Sittengeschichte des XVI. Jahrhunderts, her- 
ausgegeben von Dr. D. A. Fechter. 8vo. Basel, 1840. 

La Vie de. Thomas Platter, ecrite par lui-meme. (Translated 
by E. Fick.) 8vo. Geneve, 1862. 

Thomas und Felix Platter (Thomas Platter's Selbstbiographie, 
1499-1582. Das Tagebuch des Felix Platters). Zur Sit- 
tengeschichte des XVI. Jahrhunderts, bearbeitet von H. 
Boos. Pages xvi, 272. 8vo. Leipzig, 1878. 



XX AUTHOR'S PREFACE 

Thomas und Felix Platter, zwei Lebensbilder aus der Zeit der 

Reformation und Renaissance, von ihnen selbst entworfen. 

Aus dem Schweizerdeutschen . . . tibertragen von J. R. H. 

Heman, etc. Part II. 8vo. Giitersloh, 1882. 
Thomas Platter's merkwiirdige Lebensgeschichte. Eine Er- 

zahlung fur Christenkinder, von Christian Gottlob Barth. 

Vierte Auflage, etc. Page 120. 8vo. Stuttgart, 1886. 
T. Platter's Briefe an seinen Sohn Felix. Herausgegeben von 

A. Burckhardt. Pages vi, 106. 8vo. Basle, 1890. 



CONTENTS 



PAGE 

Editor's Preface • v 

Author's Preface xy ii 

The Educational Renaissance: 

Significance of Platter's Autobiography ... 1 

Existing Types of Schools 3 

The Wandering Scholars 19 

The Revival of the Idea of the Liberal Education . 39 

Renaissance Educational Ideas in Germany . . 49 

Types of Renaissance Schools in Germany . . 54 

The School at Basel 63 

The Autobiography of Thomas Platter: 

CHAPTER 

I. Birth— Orphanage .80 

II. The Goatherd 85 

III. The Schoolboy— The Wandering Scholar . . 93 

IV. At Last a Student at Schlettstadt and a Visit 

Home . . . . . . • .117 

V. In Zurich— Study or Die— Father Myconius . 121 

VI. Zwingli and the Reformation Period . . .124 

xxi 



XX11 CONTENTS " 

The Autobiography of Thomas Platter: 

CHAPTER PAGE 

VII. The Student, Teacher and Rope-maker. . 140 



VIII. The First Kappel War— June, 1529 

IX. Marriage— School-master at Home . 

X. In Zurich — In Basel . . . . 



XI. With the Doctor in Pruntrut — Death of the 
Children and of the Doctor 

XII. Zurich War, October, 1531 . 

XIII. To Basel — Myconius also goes thither . 

XIV. Professor in the Pedagogium — Reader — Call 

to Sitten — Journey through Switzerland 

XV. The Printer and Basel Burgher 

XVI. Debt— Sickness — Purchase of Houses 

XVII. Rector of the School at the Castle, 1541 

XVIII. Purchase of an Estate — Great Credit — Help 
. from God and Man .... 



XIX. Parents' Sorrow and Parents' Joy— Son's Doc 
torate and Marriage .... 

XX. Pestilence and Gracious Exemption— Retro- 
spect — God Be Praised 



150 
154 
164 

167 

177 
182 

187 
194 
201 
209 

217 

221 

225 



I. 

THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 



SIGNIFICANCE OF PLATTER'S AUTOBIOG- 
RAPHY 

It is with the greatest difficulty that one obtains con- 
crete information concerning educational activities in 
the past, especially any connected and tolerably com- 
plete account of the details of school life. In lieu of 
such knowledge the student of the history of education 
accepts a very general view of educational development 
drawn partially from inference or more largely by 
generalization from the work or the writings of promi- 
nent men. Platter's Autobiography furnishes such 
concrete information in regard to two phases of the 
education of the sixteenth century: first, the life of 
the wandering scholar; and, second, the spread of the 
humanistic ideas until they dominate the educational 
activities of the times. This first phase was quite as 
characteristic of the fifteenth, and to some extent of the 
fourteenth, as of the sixteenth century ; while the second 
also characterized the seventeenth, and to a large extent 
the eighteenth century. Hence" this little sketch, 

1 



2 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

which gives the life of an educator just at the turning- 
point in educational history between the mediaeval and 
the modern, in which the life of the student is repre- 
sentative of the old, and the life of the teacher is repre- 
sentative of the new, becomes a revelation in the con- 
crete of the educational characteristics of several 
centuries. The account of student life gives to us not 
only the clearest picture that we possess of a very novel 
phase of school life, that of the wandering student, but 
at the same time it also indicates, though incidentally, 
the character of the typical schools. On the other 
hand, Platter exemplifies in his own life not only the 
conversion to the new educational ideals and the build- 
ing up of a new type of schools embodying this ideal, 
but also the close connection existing between this 
educational reform and the broader religious reform, 
and, inadvertently, the relation which it had to the 
spread of printed literature and to new industrial and 
economic ideals of life. No account of theoretical 
educational discussions, such as those of Erasmus, or 
Wimpheling; no practical treatises dealing with school 
organization or method, as those of Melancthon, of 
Sturm, or of Ascham, can give us such vitalized ideas 
of these educational activities as the concrete, naive, and 
even crude account of the simple-hearted old man who 
mixes up the account of his visit from the greatest 
scholar of the century, if not of all modern times, with 
the account of his hard task-master who fed him on 



EXISTING TYPES OF SCHOOLS 3 

sour beer and spoiled cheese, and who interweaves the 
account of his founding of a new humanistic school 
with his acquisition of a new stable lot, just because 
such motives and such activities are found in juxta- 
position in his life. Much of its educational signifi- 
cance, however, is found rather by implication in the 
narrative, and needs some further amplification by way 
of introduction. 

EXISTING TYPES OF SCHOOLS 

Platter, in his narrative, refers to cathedral schools, 
parish schools, burgher or city schools, by inference to 
monastic schools, and to the universities. In addition 
to these, which had existed as types for several centuries, 
and which were quite numerous, he describes in the 
school which he himself establishes, or at least reforms 
and conducts, the institution which resulted from the 
grafting of the new renaissance spirit on the old 
burgher-school stem. This new school is the classical 
gymnasium, which remains the typical German school 
to this day. As Platter refers to these existing schools 
merely incidentally and gives details concerning the 
new gymnasia only, it may be helpful to notice these 
other institutions somewhat more in detail in order to 
get from his narrative the significance of the educa- 
tional reform of the sixteenth century. 

Monastic Schools. — It is worthy of note that the 



4 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

monastic schools, which were the dominant schools of 
Europe for so many centuries, and were still a promi- 
nent type during the sixteenth, have no direct mention 
in Platter's narrative. It would seem from his ac- 
count that they had ceased to have any great importance 
or to offer any great attractions to the wandering 
students of the times. This may be due not less to the 
stricter supervision exercised by the monastic orders 
over their students, and the ease with which a student 
could now have his material wants supplied outside the 
monasteries through the tolerance of begging, than to 
any superiority in character or quantity of instruction. 
Monastic education as well as monastic life first re- 
ceived a general organization under the rules of St. 
Benedict, formulated in 529. Comparatively slight at- 
tention was given to any intellectual training, but 
enough was required to make the Benedictines the 
guardians of education for many centuries. The rules 
provide for the reading and study of the scriptures at 
certain hours of the day and the writing and copying 
of manuscripts. The latter was introduced as a form of 
manual labour more suitable to some than other forms 
of labour would be and also more suitable for all in 
times of inclement weather. Some training, chiefly of 
a religious character, was prescribed for the prospective 
members of the order, and this training, together with 
the provisions for reading and writing, constituted the 
scope of the educational activities of the Benedictines. 



EXISTING TYPES OF SCHOOLS 5 

Within a century after the formulation of the rules, the 
rule respecting study was made more definite by requir- 
ing the monks to continue such study until fifty years 
of age ; and the one respecting admission into the order 
was modified so as to require a novitiate of at least two 
years, and to permit no candidates to be received into 
full membership under eighteen years of age. During 
both the earlier and the later centuries, boys were 
received into training even as young as six or eight 
years of age, and consequently a long schooling, some 
of which was intellectual, was required. By the ninth 
century, partially through the influence which Charle- 
magne brought to bear on monastic life and on 
education in general, the monasteries began to make 
definite provision for the rudimentary education of 
boys, not connected, actually or prospectively, with the 
order, and also to make more specific provision for the 
work in the monastic building by setting apart an 
armarium or writing-room for instruction distinct from 
the scriptorium, the more general copying-room and 
library, and by providing a school-room itself. Charle- 
magne's capitulary of 789 in addition to this require- 
ment of elementary education (reading and writing) 
in connection with every monastery, required that the 
larger and more wealthy monasteries should give in- 
struction in more advanced subjects. Tours in France, 
Fulda in Germany, St. Gall in Switzerland— famous 
long before this time, however — were the chief of these. 



6 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

At St. Gall, during the tenth century, instruction was 
given in Quintilian, Cicero, Horace, Terence, Juvenal, 
Persius, Ovid, and other authors, and, it is said, in the 
Greek language as well. With the eleventh century 
came the multiplication of monastic orders, many of 
them based upon the Benedictines' rules, and all pro- 
viding for the education of their novitiates, though not 
all so broadly as the Benedictines. Concerning the work 
of the monastic school we have some detailed accounts. 
The school at St. Gall, previously referred to, was a 
famous one, and in the writings of Eckehardus * of the 
tenth century, and in the pseudo autobiography of 
Walafred Strabo (ostensibly of the early ninth century, 
but in reality now thought to be more than a century 
later) we have specific accounts of such school-work in 
this monastery. Strabo gives the following account of 
his schooling, f 

" The first thing that I had to do there was to learn 
by heart Latin phrases in order to talk in Latin with 
my comrades. For most of my fellow students were far 
advanced; some in the second, some in the third, and 
some in the fourth year of the grammar. Therefore, 
we were compelled to talk in Latin except during rest 
and play hours. The beginners, however, were allowed 
to use German with one another as far as it was neces- 

* See Mullany (Brother Azarias), Essays Educational, pp. 26-28 
for quotations, 
f Schmidt, Geschichte der Padagogik, yoI. ii, pp. 199-213. 



EXISTING TYPES OF SCHOOLS 7 

sary. After a time Donatus was given to me and an 
older boy continually questioned me about it, until I 
had memorized the eight parts of speech, and the in- 
flections. For the first two hours the teacher himself 
showed me how to memorize the words and moods. In 
time, however, he called upon my master at the end of 
the recitation and asked how I had done my work. The 
pupil who taught me could only be satisfied with my 
work in Donatus, though I had time enough for all 
kinds of pranks, and to disturb my fellow students. 
For I knew that he was not allowed to strike us, and 
that he was too fond of me to report me to the teacher. 
Every afternoon we were taught to apply the rules we 
had studied in the morning. The pupil, or the teacher, 
repeated sentences in German, which we had to write 
down immediately on the wax tablets, in Latin. The 
vocabulary was generally taken from Donatus or from 
our conversations. We were permitted to ask the 
teacher that which we did not know. As we wrote by 
ear, without having seen the word, the spelling was 
oftentimes very odd. Each evening some one narrated 
to us a chapter from the Bible which we must reproduce 
the next morning. . . . The following winter found 
us busy with the second part of the grammar and with 
orthography. We had now always to converse in Latin. 
This often caused much amusement both to our teachers 
and to ourselves. Every day a psalm was read, which 
we wrote down on our tablets. Each student corrected 



8 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

the mistakes of his neighbour, and finally one of the 
pupils who had studied for four years corrected our 
work. He went over it word for word and corrected 
every mistake. The next morning we had to learn the 
whole chapter by heart. ... To complete our gram- 
matical studies, we were ordered during the winter to 
instruct the newly entered students in speaking and 
writing as we had formerly been instructed. At the 
same time the teacher of grammar acquainted us with 
tropes and figures of speech; at first these were pointed 
out to us in the Holy Bible; later he asked us to show 
him similar examples in the poets which we had read. 
Those neither desirous nor capable of teaching others 
busied themselves, as ordered by the teachers, either 
with copying the grammar of Priscianus, Victorianus, 
or Cassiodorus, or exercising themselves in the con- 
struction of Latin and German sentences. . . . Thus 
the time approached when those who went from gram- 
mar to rhetoric must be tested by the final examination. 
Hence, toward the end of the summer we reviewed the 
three divisions of grammar, that is, etymology, orthog- 
raphy, and prosody, with the use of tropes and figures. 
We commenced our study of rhetoric, using Cassiodorus' 
text-book, one well known to most of us, since during 
the grammar years his writings had been given us to 
read, etc." Then follows a detailed account of the 
study of Cicero, Quintilian, etc., referred to above. 
This, however, must be considered exceptional. Wala- 



EXISTING TYPES OF SCHOOLS 9 

fred gives the number of students in this school at this 
time as one hundred in the " inner school," destined for 
the order, and four hundred in the school for externs. 

With the thirteenth century came the friars and the 
universities, both indicating an increasing interest in 
intellectual and educational affairs, and both indicating 
a decline in the interest in the older types of mo- 
nasticism, in their influence, and in the character of 
their educational efforts. The intellectual life of the 
times centred largely in the school-men and in the 
Dominican order of friars, and found its home for the 
most part in the universities. From this time on edu- 
cation tends to become secular : at first by falling more 
and more into the hands of the secular clergy. During 
the two following centuries the monastic schools lost 
much of their prestige; and the old cathedral schools, 
with new life and influence, the newer guild and city 
schools, the schools established in connection with many 
collegiate and parish churches and the schools of in- 
dependent foundations, such as Winchester and Eton 
in England, now tend to take the place once wholly 
occupied by the monastic schools. True, the monastic 
schools yet exist in great numbers, and the teachers of 
the new schools, most of whom were clerics, included 
many of the regular orders, but the educational work 
of these institutions belonged rather to the past. This 
Is evidenced b.y the fact that in 1538, when Platter 

had become a teacher, a committee of cardinals rec- 
3 



10 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

ommended to Pope Paul IV that these orders be 
suppressed. 

The one of these orders that was abreast of the times 
in educational matters was The Brethren of the Com- 
mon Life, organized by Gerard Groot, at Deventer, 
Holland, in 1376. Platter speaks of visiting a famous 
school, dominated by the spirit, though not officially 
controlled by this order, that at Schlettstadt ; and here 
he first became inoculated with the spirit which wrought 
such a change in his life and directed him into his 
future work. 

Cathedral Schools. — Among the other schools 
which Platter visited were those connected with the 
cathedrals at Breslau, Zurich, Strassburg, Basel, and 
these for the most part were the best of the schools with 
which he came in contact. This is indicative of the 
character of these schools; for the best work dur- 
ing the later middle ages, at least, was done in cathe- 
dral or canonical schools rather than in the monastic 
or cloistral schools. The cathedral schools were older 
than the monastic schools and were in closer contact 
with the people, though designed primarily for the 
training of the clergy. From the earliest time each 
bishop must provide a school for the training of his 
clergy; so that such schools became a part of the epis- 
copal organizations and were ordinarily provided for 
either in the work of some definite officer of the estab- 
lishment or by some special foundation. During the 



EXISTING TYPES OF SCHOOLS 11 

later middle ages this was ordinarily done by chantry 
foundations, that is, by bequests for the support of 
priests whose chief function was that of saying masses 
for purposes designated by the founder; and as they 
were ordinarily relieved from most of the routine duties 
of the secular priesthood, they could be assigned to the 
work of teaching. This, though a frequent duty, was 
only one of the many special duties to which the chantry 
priests might be assigned. 

Dating from the earliest period of the history of the 
Christian Church, the cathedral schools were of great 
importance during the earlier centuries, but lost much 
of their influence during the period of the migrations 
and of the dominance of the monastic orders. A general 
revival dates from Gregory VII of the twelfth century, 
who gave special injunctions to the bishops to strengthen 
these schools. On account of their greater freedom, 
they offered a better soil for the growing interest in 
learning, especially in its secular aspects. It is true, 
however, that in many regions, even during the cen- 
turies following this time, the monastic orders con- 
trolled the cathedral schools and furnished the teachers 
therein. Ordinarily, however, the teachers were drawn 
from the secular clergy, and their students were de- 
signed for the same service. While these chantry and 
special foundations were designed especially for priests 
as teachers, many also were for the support of students 
who were in almost every case prospective priests. The 



12 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

instruction, however, was often open to the laity, and 
in the later middle ages, when the clergy did not absorb 
all learning, numerous lay scholars did attend. Plat- 
ter's account of Breslau indicates how generous a pro- 
vision was made for such students. This is especially 
true of the wandering students when they come to form 
a distinct class, and when the secular foundations give 
to them many of the privileges that were furnished so 
lavishly by the monastic foundations for the regulars. 
One aspect of the work of these schools did not vary 
from that found in connection with most churches, 
even in the smaller parishes: that was the training of 
the choristers, which necessitated some knowledge of 
the Latin, at least to the degree of memorizing the 
church services. This work, assigned to some priest, 
probably on a chantry foundation as well, was called 
the singing-school. But the more advanced work was 
that of the grammar-school, which included, until the 
founding of the universities, the most advanced study 
of the times. During the later mediaeval centuries these 
schools were far more friendly to the new spirit and 
the new learning than were the monastic schools, and 
were more closely in touch with the economic and po- 
litical aspirations of the cities, and hence were more 
tolerant and more progressive in their work. Conse- 
quently, when among the Germanic peoples the renais- 
sance and the reformation movement fused, these 
schools were often important sources of influence. 



EXISTING TYPES OF SCHOOLS 13 

This is well illustrated in Platter's account of the cathe- 
dral school of Zurich under Myconius. 

Parish Schools. — Eecent investigations have com- 
pelled the abandonment of the view so commonly held 
among protestant peoples that there were few school 
privileges previous to the reformation. It now seems 
that the number of schools and the opportunity for 
schooling were considerably greater for one century, 
probably two, before the beginning of the reformation 
than for the same length of time afterward. This is 
altogether aside from the question concerning the char- 
acter of that education and the number of people it 
reached. Previous to the reformation it is probable that 
almost every parish had a school either in connection 
with the church or supported by the guild or burgher 
organizations. For the most part these schools in con- 
nection with the parish churches were of the most 
elementary character. The parish priest found it neces- 
sary to train the boys for the choral services and re- 
sponses of the church, and gave in connection with this 
some elementary religious and secular instruction. 
Such training included not only those boys who were 
destined for the priesthood, but necessarily many others 
as well. Connected with this would often be the rudi- 
mentary religious instruction to all the boys of the 
parish. However, the " singing-school " was something 
more than the rudimentary Sunday-school. One such 
school is the first which Platter attends, at Gasen, be- 



14 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

fore he begins his peregrinations. Here the training 
in singing, the training connected with the celebration 
of the mass, the begging and collecting of eggs from the 
villagers, together with beatings so severe that the 
neighbours had to interfere to save him from the cruelty 
of the priest, comprised his education; and this was 
probably fairly representative of the work of such 
schools. Beyond this, instruction does not penetrate 
into the rural and smaller town parishes. 

In the larger parishes of the cities, such as Halle, 
Dresden, Breslau, Ulm, Munich, Nuremberg, Naum- 
burg, etc., Platter found quite different schools. Sup- 
ported ordinarily by chantry or special foundations, 
cared for often by collegiate organizations little less 
powerful and wealthy than the cathedral chapter, such 
schools as these differed very little from those controlled 
directly by the bishop. Ordinarily they were grammar- 
schools, doing the same kind of work and in the same 
manner as the most advanced schools, however con- 
trolled. These, through their greater number, were 
probably the most important type of all. Collegiate 
schools, chantry schools, parish schools, even some of 
the guild and burgher schools would thus be included in 
this group of parish schools. For many of them were 
established in connection with the parish churches by 
the town authorities. The scholasticus, or cathedral 
authority, who had charge of educational matters, 
usually opposed the establishment of these burgher 



EXISTING TYPES OF SCHOOLS 15 

schools in connection with parish churches, but from 
the middle of the fourteenth century on the tendency- 
was too strong to be checked. 

The account which Platter gives indicates that the 
work of these parish schools was up to the average; 
better in some places, Breslau for example, than that 
of the cathedral school. The account which he gives 
of Breslau is quite remarkable. This city, divided into 
seven parishes, supported a school of this higher type 
in each parish. They were frequented by these wander- 
ing scholars, to the number of 1,000 in all, for whom 
provision in the way of instruction, rooms, and even 
food seems to have been provided gratis. Evidently in 
this city the church before the reformation was not 
neglecting its educational duty. The work of these 
schools, as indicated by Platter, does not vary from the 
usual accounts. There were long, dreary months on 
Donatus, until it was learned by heart, though with 
little understanding of its contents; further study of 
some later texts for purpose of drill in the paradigms; 
the exposition of some text, such as Terence, with " de- 
termining " and " denning " ; and finally some elemen- 
tary work in dialectics, with disputations. " What one 
reads must first be dictated, then defined, then con- 
strued, and only then could be explained," is Platter's 
account of the work at Breslau. ~No wonder " that the 
bacchants had to carry away great miserable books" 
when all this was written down. 



16 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

Guild and Buegher Schools. — Schools owing their 
origin to secular initiative, controlled and supported by 
secular authorities, and often giving instruction in the 
vernacular instead of, or in addition to, that in the 
Latin, became quite common in German countries after 
the middle of the fourteenth century. Of necessity, 
these were usually taught by secular priests, and the 
method and much of the subject-matter were the same 
as that of the ecclesiastically controlled schools. As 
previously mentioned, many of these secular schools 
sprang up, through the increase in size of the towns, 
and through the demands for more practical education ; 
the local authorities "established them in connection with 
parish churches, either with the consent of the cathe- 
dral chapter or in defiance of it. Another influence 
contributing to the development of secular schools was 
that of the merchants, craft, or " social " guilds. Some- 
times these "social" guilds were composed of priests 
or clerks, and are hardly to be distinguished from ordi- 
nary parish schools. The mediaeval guilds ordinarily 
supported in some church a priest or a chapel or an 
altar; if a priest, his duties were manifold, including 
all those connected with the sacraments, and the great 
occasions in life, and often in addition the schooling 
of the children of the members of the guild. Not 
infrequently the priest's function in this respect ex- 
tended beyond the children of the membership. Such 
mention as the following taken from the Eeport of the 



EXISTING TYPES OF SCHOOLS 17 

Commissioner of Edward VI (Toulmin Smith, Ordi- 
nances of English Guilds — in Old English Text So- 
ciety, p. 205) are very frequent. 

Eegarding the Guild of St. Nicholas, of Worcester, 
it is stated: "there hath byn tyme owt of mynde, a 
ffree scole kept within the said citie, in a grete halle 
belongyng to the said Guylde, called Trynite Halle ; the 
scolemaster whereof for the tyme beyng hath hade 
yerely, for his stypend, ten pounds; whereof was paid, 
owt of the revenues of the said landes, by the Master 
and Stewards of the said Guylde for the tyme beyng, 
vj, li, xii j. s. iii j. d.; And the resydewe of the said 
stypend was collected and gathered of the denocioun 
and benyvolence of the brothers and systers of the said 
Guylde. . . . They prowyded and have founde an 
honest and lernyed scolemaster, within the said halle, 
in lyke manner as they before tyme dyd ; that is to say, 
one John Obyner, bacheler of arts; who hath there, at 
this present tyme, a boue the number of a hundred 
scolers." 

With the coalescing of the guild organization and the 
early municipal government these schools, along with 
many of the parish schools mentioned above, became 
the burgher schools. Such schools were wholly con- 
trolled and supported by the secular authorities, and 
in the content of the school-work better represented the 
economic interests and demands of the citizens. They 
were often taught by priests, though lay teachers be- 



18 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

came more numerous. Clerical inspection and super- 
vision was yet universal both before and after the ref- 
ormation. 

Yet one other factor led to the development of these 
burgher schools, though it is of little direct interest in 
this discussion: these were the private schools. With 
the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries greater freedom 
of initiative in school matters was evident, and private 
schools became numerous. These were usually of most 
elementary character, and giving a grade of work in- 
ferior to church schools, though probably much of it 
was of more practical character. Hence the ground of 
their support. They frequently escaped all ecclesiastical 
supervision through the church authorities, though the 
scholasticus, or some other episcopal officer or parish 
priest, sought to extend his jurisdiction over them — 
often not without success. However irregular all this 
was, it yet contributed to the development of indepen- 
dent town schools. 

These private schools do not figure in Platter's ac- 
count; but the school which Platter established, and to 
which he gives the most of his life, the gymnasium, 
is one of the earliest of the new type of schools. In 
time these came to be the highest type of the German 
municipal school. 



THE WANDERING SCHOLARS 19 

THE WANDERING SCHOLARS 

The wandering life^ often adopted by the students 
of the later middle ages, was an outgrowth of several 
phases of earlier mediaeval life, such as the habits of 
the wandering priests, of the pilgrims both clerical and 
lay, of the crusaders, and of the itinerant merchants 
and craftsmen. 

The wandering priest appears quite early in the his- 
tory of the Christian Church in the West. According 
to Giesebrecht,* as early as the first quarter of the fifth 
century there are found complaints against this class 
of the clergy. There are also regulations dating from 
this period that no bishop should consecrate a priest 
that did not have the care of a congregation. Synesius, 
bishop of Ptolemais (from 410 to 431), makes com- 
plaint of such priests as prefer the wandering life to 
the settled living, calling them bdkantiboi, a term 
practically the same as that applied in later centuries 
to the wandering scholars. By the time of the cru- 
sades this class of the clergy, clerici vagantes, was 
recognised as a permanent body, though the popes had 
repeatedly issued injunctions and decrees to the effect 
that bishops consecrating priests without parishes 
should be personally responsible for the maintenance 
of such priests. These wandering priests are familiar 
through mediaeval tale or modern story of mediaeval 

* Quoted in Schmid, Encyclopedie des Erzeihungs-und Unter- 
richtswesens, vol. i, p. 338 et sea. 



20 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

life as chaplains and companions of knight and baron 
and all classes of the nobility and gentry. The 
pilgrimage and, later, the crusades gave a moral ap- 
proval to the wandering life as followed temporarily 
by both clergy and laity, and led to its wide-spread 
adoption, especially among the lower orders of the 
clergy. Not only among those moved especially by 
religions motives, but also among all classes of society, 
the feeling of nnrest grew out of the crusades and be- 
came established as a permanent feature of the life of 
the late mediaeval centuries. As a characteristic of the 
chivalric orders, this trait is familiar to all. It spread 
widely also among the commercial and industrial 
classes. Here again one phase of mediaeval life that is 
sufficiently familiar may be recalled: that of the wan- 
dering salesman as well as that of the travelling mer- 
chant. But not so well known is a similar custom 
among craftsmen for the purpose of improving their 
skill and of discovering new methods and new wares. 
The traditional visits of the apprentices of South Ger- 
many to Nuremberg, tested by the knowledge of the 
hidden movable ring — in the Schonne Brunnen — 
furnishes a general illustration. But the mere desire 
for travel and for the relaxation of rather rigid moral 
and religious ideals, if not of practices, prompted many 
to adopt, for a time at least, a similar mode of life. 
To this was frequently, perhaps usually, joined a simi- 
lar motive, namely, curiosity, or even the love of knowl- 



THE WANDERING SCHOLARS 21 

edge. Undoubtedly this custom as well as this motive 
were important factors in building up the early uni- 
versities in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The 
migration of students, which yet remains a university 
tradition among the Teutonic nations, was then a mat- 
ter of necessity owing to the specialization of the early 
universities. Each was strong in some one line, even 
where the four faculties and the school of arts were 
all represented. The reputation of individual teach- 
ers also did much to encourage this migration, since 
the special student in any given department could only 
by such means acquire the knowledge desired. Much 
later, during the renaissance period of the fifteenth and 
sixteenth centuries, these tendencies were perpetuated, 
and for the time being accentuated both by the great 
influence exerted by a few scholars of reputation, and 
also by the fact that but few universities were wholly 
hospitable towards the new learning. 

The traditions of the wandering scholars were formed 
during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. During 
that time also the wandering clergy seem to have be- 
come identified with the wandering scholars. A 
common meeting-place and centre of attraction was 
furnished by the new institutions of learning — the uni- 
versities. To these the younger clergy, or those in the 
minor orders, flocked in great numbers; this was the 
same class from which had been drawn for the most part 
the clerici, vag antes, who now became the scholar es 



22 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

vagantes. They still claimed all the privileges of the 
clergy, but accepted few of their responsibilities. They 
boasted of their freedom, even of their license; and en- 
tertained a scorn, born of this license, for the vows 
assumed by the regular and the secular clergy. On 
the other hand, they assumed all the superiority over 
the laity that was the privilege of the clergy, and showed 
frequently a contempt for them that could be ac- 
counted for only by a total lack of any feeling of obliga- 
tion to them. They became a characteristic feature 
of the life of the country as do the students now in 
the university towns, and came in for some severe 
criticism on account of their freer life and more liberal 
thought. Giesebrecht * quotes the contemporary Monk 
Helinaud as follows : " The scholars are accustomed to 
wander throughout the whole world and visit all the 
cities; and their many studies bring them understand- 
ing; for in Paris they seek a knowledge of the liberal 
arts; of the ancient writers at Orleans; of medicine at 
Salernum ; of the black art at Toledo ; and in no place 
decent manners." This last characterization seems to 
have been well deserved, for it is this trait which 
finally gave them their class name. As a result of 
these well-developed class traits and class feeling, they 
begin to appear as a clearly defined body, a sort of 
corporation. 

This tradition of the wandering scholar was simply 

* Allgemeine Monatschrift fur Wissenschaft und Literature, 1851. 



THE WANDERING SCHOLARS 23 

one aspect of the universal mediaeval tendency towards 
the organization of special interests and special classes. 
The students in permanent residence incorporated 
themselves into the Nations, the constituent units of 
the early universities. The very much smaller number 
who accepted the wandering custom as a permanent 
mode of life strengthened the bond of their fraternal 
life by giving adherence to a titular Magister or patron 
saint, one Golias or Golias Episcopus, from whom they 
were called goliardi or goliardenses. In all prob- 
ability Golias and the succeeding masters of the order 
were hypothetical personages; but certainly the rule of 
his customs was more than shadow, and so also was the 
brotherhood. The term goliar&us, which in this earlier 
period is synonymous with wandering student, is to be 
connected, according to Wright, with gula, and indi- 
cates their gluttonous and intemperate habits. When 
it comes to be used in this definite sense the group it 
includes is a much narrower one than that of all wan- 
dering students, and the term indicates more particu- 
larly that group which had accepted this type of life 
as a permanent calling, much after the manner of the 
minstrels among the laity. The typical goliards were 
the more riotous, unthrifty, unambitious students who 
were hangers on of the higher clergy or who wandered 
from palace to palace of the ecclesiastical lords. Never- 
theless, it is probable that their pleasures and their vices 
as well as their songs and literature were those common 



24 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

to all the wandering students, and that the line be- 
tween the wandering student and the locati, or those 
with permanent abode, was a vague one. 

From the middle of the twelfth to the middle of the 
thirteenth centuries the goliards produced a body of 
literature, chiefly in the form of songs.* 

Most of these songs relate to the pleasures and in- 
cidents of the vagabond life. There is very little of 
high moral sentiment in them; many of them are quite 
the reverse. They do not possess the charm furnished 
by the heroic element in the poems of chivalry. A few 
refer to the more serious aspects of life, and these par- 
ticularly to its brevity. Many are satires on the clergy, 
so that Golias seems to become a representative through 
which the vices of the clergy are satirized in a true 
Eabelaisian form. As a representative of unrestrained 
indulgence Golias may at times serve rather as a foil 
to attack the clergy than to represent the wandering 
student. In this connection Wright calls attention to 
the significance of the vernacular translations of sev- 
eral of these satirical poems of the goliards during the 
sixteenth century reformation. 

(* An edition entitled Carmina Burana was published in 1847 at 
Stuttgart from a thirteenth century manuscript that had been dis- 
covered in a Benedictine Convent in Southern Bavaria. An edition 
of a collection of these from various English sources was issued by 
Thomas Wright in 1841, under the title " Latin Poems Commonly 
Attributed to Walter Mapes." An English translation of several 
of these poems has been made by John Addington Symonds under 
the title "Wine, Women and Song," with an American reprint, in 
1899.) 



THE WANDERING SCHOLARS 25 

Most of them, however, are frank presentations of 
the pleasures of drinking and of gaming. Many also 
relate to " love in many phases and for divers kinds of 
women." This euphemism conceals a frankness present 
in the poems that would not now be tolerated. One of 
the longer poems, popular during the thirteenth century, 
and reappearing in vernacular form in the reign of 
Queen Elizabeth, is the Apocalypsis Goliae, or "The 
Eevelation of Golias, the Bishop," a parody upon the 
Apocalypse of St. John. Unto Golias appeared Pythag- 
oras among the golden candlesticks: 

" Upon his forehead fair Astrologie did shine — 
And Gramer stode alonge his teethe arowe, 
And Retheroick did springe within his hollowe eyen, 
And in his troublinge lippes did all of Logick flowe, 
And in his fingers eke did Arithmetik lie, 
Within his hollow pulse did Musick finelie place, 
And in both his eien stode pale Geometrie; 
Thus eche one of these Artes in his own place did staire." 

Thus equipped, Pythagoras leads his pupil through 
a world peopled with strange things ; Aristotle fighting 
against the air, Tullius scanning words, Ptolemy gaz- 
ing at the stars and the entire galaxy of ancient lights 
that appeared dimly to the mediaeval vision. The seven 
books with seven seals that are opened unto him contain 
the deeds of the bishops and the great churchmen. The 
four beasts are : the lion which represents the pope, " ac- 
customed to devour " ; a calf, like unto the bishop, " that 



26 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

gnaws and chews and thus fills himself with goods of 
other men"; an eagle, who is the archdeacon, "that 
sees afar its prey"; and the fourth, like unto a man, 
represents the dean, " who hides as best he can the guile 
with which he is filled." 

The satire of the former is a typical representative 
of the bitter attacks upon the sins of the clergy of all 
ranks, and incidentally upon the formalism in learning 
and the false value attributed to it by the clergy. The 
archdeacons are represented as sparing some time from 
their concubines and their harlotries in order to 

" Commande the deane, if any priest be known, 
A datyve case to make, by anie gendringe state, 
That then the plaintyve shall him call and bring full 

down, 
To save his brethren's lyves, and keepe them from hell 

gate." 

While this poem is indicative of the attitude of these 
students towards the church, or rather towards the prac- 
tices of many of the clergy of this time, the practices 
of the students themselves are evidently not much bet- 
ter, save that there is less pretence and less violence. 
More indicative of the life of the order than these long 
satires are the briefer songs which bespeak the real 
inward life of its members. The most important of 
these is the titular song of the order. This is a sort 
of commission to the members of the order that they 
go forth with their message of life to all communities, 



THE WANDERING SCHOLARS 27 

to lure adherents from among all the various grade of 
the clergy. Among the classes that made up the order, 
the one enumerated that is of special importance for 
its bearing upon our general subjects, is that composed 
of " masters with their bands of boys " who find a 
place among the monks, parish priest, higher clergy, 
scholars, and other recruits. 

After indicating that the other classes in society are 
their fair prey, the poem relates the joys of the vaga- 
bond life, that possesses all the freedom from cares of 
personal possession that a member of the clergy has 
without the disadvantage of his corresponding obli- 
gations. The entire song as given in modern form by 
Mr. Symonds is worth presenting as an index of their 
ideals of life. 

ON THE ORDER OF WANDERING STUDENTS 

At the mandate, Gro ye forth, 

Through the whole world hurry ! 
Priests tramp out toward south and north, 

Monks and hermits skurry, 
Levites smooth the gospel leave, 

Bent on ambulation; 
Each and all to our sect cleave, 

Which is life's salvation. 

In this sect of ours 'tis writ: 

Prove all things in season; 
Weigh this life and judge of it 

By your riper reason ; 



28 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

'Gainst all evil clerks be you 
Steadfast in resistance, 
' Who refuse large tithe and due 
Unto your subsistence. 

Marquesses, Bavarians, 

Austrians and Saxons, 
Noblemen and chiefs of clans, 

Glorious by your actions ! 
Listen, comrades all, I pray, 

To these new decretals: 
Misers they must meet decay, 

Niggardly gold-beetles. 

We the laws of charity 

Found, nor let them crumble; 
For into our order we 

Take both high and humble; 
Rich and poor men we receive, 

In our bosom cherish; 
Welcome those the shavelings leave 

At their doors to perish. 

We receive the tonsured monk, 

Let him take his pittance; 
And the parson with his punk, 

If he craves admittance; 
Masters with their bands of boys, 

Priests with high dominion; 
But the scholar who enjoys 

Just one coat's our minion! 



THE WANDERING SCHOLARS 29 

This our sect doth entertain 

Just men and unjust ones; 
Halt, lame, weak of limb or brain, 

Strong men and robust ones; 
Those who nourish in their pride, 

Those whom age makes stupid. 
Frigid folk and hot folk fried 

In the fires of Cupid. 

Tranquil souls and bellicose, 

Peacemaker and foeman; 
Czech and Hun, and mixed with those 

German, Slav, and Roman; 
Men of middling size and weight, 

Dwarfs and giants mighty; 
Men of modest heart and state, 

Vain men, proud and flighty. 

Of the Wanderers' order I 

Tell the Legislature— 
They whose life is free and high, 

Gentle too their nature — 
They who rather scrape a fat 

Dish in gravy swimming, 
Than in sooth to marvel at 

Barns with barley brimming. 

Now this order, as I ken, 

Is called sect or section, 
Since its sectaries are men 

Divers in complexion; 



30 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

Therefore hie and haec and hoc 

Suit it in declension, 
Since so multiform a flock 

Here finds comprehension. 

This our order hath decried 

Matins with a warning ; 
For that certain phantoms glide 

In the early morning, 
Whereby pass into man's brain 

Visions of vain folly; 
Early risers are insane, 

Racked by melancholy. 

This our order doth proscribe 

All the year round matins; 
When they've left their beds, our tribe 

In the tap sing latins; 
There they call for wine for all, 

Roasted fowl and chicken; 
Hazard's threats no hearts appal, 

Though his strokes still thicken. 

This our order doth forbid 

Double clothes with loathing; 
He whose nakedness is hid 

With one vest hath clothing; 
Soon one throws his cloak aside 

At the dice-box' calling; 
Next his girdle is untied, 

While the cards are falling. 



THE WANDERING SCHOLARS 31 

What I've said of upper clothes 

To the nether reaches; 
They who own a shirt, let those 

Think no more of breeches; 
If one boasts big boots to use, 

Let him leave his gaiters; 
They who this firm law refuse 

Shall be counted traitors. 

No one, none shall wander forth 

Fasting from the table; 
If thou'rt poor, from south and north 

Beg as thou are able! 
Hath it not been often seen 

That one coin brings many, 
When a gamester on the green 

Stakes his lucky penny? 

No one on the road should walk 

'Gainst the wind — 'tis madness; 
Nor in poverty shall stalk 

With a face of sadness; 
Let him bear him bravely then, 

Hope sustain his spirit; 
After heavy trials men 

Better luck inherit! 

While throughout the world you rove, 

Thus uphold your banner; 
Give these reasons why you prove 

Hearts of men and manners ; 



32 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

" To reprove the reprobate, 

Probity approving, 
Improbate from approbate 

To remove, I'm moving." 

Altogether their songs possess many striking re- 
semblances to the songs of modern college students, 
which are not to be taken too seriously as representa- 
tive of their lives. The same regard for form and 
sound rather than sense, of delight in scholastic quib- 
bling, is found. This, however, can also be best stated 
in the words of Symonds, who sums up his study of 
these poems as follows: 

"A large portion of these pieces, including a ma- 
jority of the satires and longer descriptive poems, are 
composed in measures borrowed from hymnology, fol- 
lowing the diction of the church, and imitate the 
double-rhyming rhythms of her sequences. It is not 
unnatural, this being the case, that parodies of hymns 
should be comparatively common. . . . Those which do 
not exhibit popular hymn measures are clearly writ- 
ten for melodies, some of them very complicated in 
structure, suggesting part songs and madrigals, with 
curious interlacing of long and short lines, double and 
single rhymes, recurrent ritournelles, and so forth. 
The ingenuity with which these poets adapted their 
language to exigencies of the tune, taxing the fertility of 
Latin rhymes, and setting off the long sonorous words 
to great advantage, deserves admiring comment. At 



THE WANDERING SCHOLARS 33 

their worst these Latin lyrics, moulded on a tune, de- 
generate into disjointed verbiage, sound and adapta- 
tion to song prevailing over sense and satisfaction to 
the mind." 

During the latter half of the thirteenth century a 
decided opposition to the goliards grew up among the 
clergy, and then decrees were issued by bishops and 
synods forbidding priests to ally themselves with the 
order. So while they were separated from the laity 
by the immunities of the clergy, they yet became dis- 
tinguished from the clergy. Their character, at least 
in France, sunk even below that of the minstrels of the 
secular nobility, and they fell in dignity until they were 
classed with or probably included the multitude of wan- 
dering quacks, wizards, and sharps. While they yet 
possessed this function of minstrelsy to the clergy, many 
of them more commonly frequented the homes of the 
peasantry, and they led in the incipient peasant revolts 
against the clergy. Frequent complaints were made of 
their entering churches and singing parodies on the 
hymns of the church.* 

With the disappearance of the goliards a new type of 
wandering scholars became prominent, the type already 
partially indicated by the line from the song of the 
order — "Masters with their bands of boys." The 
founding of the many chantry schools, and guild or 

* Schmid, Encyclopedie des Erzeihungs-und TJnterrichtswesens, 
yol. i, p. 338 



34 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

municipal schools previously mentioned, was responsi- 
ble for this custom. Students now of much greater 
youth than the university students, or the typical goli- 
ards of the preceding centuries, adopted the migratory 
life. Many of these were students of the rudiments of 
grammar and dialectic; and, on the other hand, there 
were many among them who were wandering teachers 
of these rudiments, at the same time that they pursued 
higher studies. Drawn both by the love of book-learn- 
ing and the desire for that knowledge of the world 
which come from contact with the chief cities of Eu- 
rope, or at least of some one country, and by the easy 
living made possible by the many religious founda- 
tions and by the toleration of begging, there came to be 
a vast army of these wandering students during the 
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Platter mentions 
that there were more than a thousand in Breslau at one 
time. His statement that there were some hundreds of 
bed-chambers or cells in the one school of St. Elizabeth 
in the same city indicates how these students were 
cared for. 

The term bacchants (baccantes) was now definitely 
applied to these wandering scholars (scholar es vag an- 
tes). Different derivations are given for the word. 
It is possible that in its present application various 
influences contributed to the adoption of the term. 
The simplest derivation is that from Bacchus, since 
the general use of the word designates a follower of 



THE WANDERING SCHOLARS 35 

the god of wine. Again, it may be found, in the tran- 
sition, common in mediaeval times from v to b, and 
from g to h or to cc in the form vagantes, and hence 
may merely indicate those leading the wandering life. 
Or, in this particular application of the sixteenth cen- 
tury, it may have some reference to the method * by 
which these roving boys supplied the wants of their mas- 
ter students, since the pilfering of farm products was 
generally adopted by the students and tolerated by the 
people, and termed by them " shooting." However, 
since the term was used, as previously noted, in the fifth 
century, to indicate the wandering priests, the same 
meaning is probably the primary one also at the close of 
the middle ages. These students not only frequented 
the town schools, but they often taught in private fam- 
ilies for brief periods, and frequently some took charge 
of young boys — not yet in their teens — ostensibly in 
order to give them the rudiments of knowledge, really in 
order that the boys might provide their bacchants with 
food from day to day. These boys form, at least in Ger- 
many,! an additional class of wandering scholars quite 
distinct and quite numerous, called ABC shooters 



* Schmid derives the term from Baccantice, to shoot : but I find 
no etymological authority for such a derivation. 

fEroni Platter's own account it appears that the wandering 
students were not numerous in Switzerland, and that the custom 
of student-begging was not tolerated there. Jusserand, in his Eng- 
lish Wayfaring Life in the Middle Ages, makes no mention what- 
ever of the wandering students. 



36 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

(schiitzen). This term is derived from the two-fold ref- 
erence to their elementary studies and to their method 
of gaining a living, since they indulged in the half- 
authorized, or at least tolerated, custom just mentioned. 
These thefts often took the form of securing domestic 
fowls by throwing, and the entire custom was termed 
" shooting." The significance of Platter's story is that 
he gives us in greater detail than is to be found any- 
where else an account of the lives of these bacchants and 
shooters. Hence even so trivial a thing as the throwing 
at the goose and the subsequent chase become full of 
meaning in the light it throws upon the typical life of a 
student of the fifteenth century, and upon the use of 
terms that persist to the present time. For there prob- 
ably exists some connection between the sixteenth-cen- 
tury use of the term and our expression " teaching the 
young idea how to shoot." The life of the bacchants and 
shooters is given in detail by Platter, and is supplement- 
ed by Butzbach * and other more fragmentary evidence. 
How little these students studied is indicated by Plat- 
ter's confession, after nine years of wandering, that 
" had my life depended on it, I could not have declined 
a noun of the first declension." That he was not alone 
in this condition is seen from the comparison he makes 
with his fellow-students in the school at Schlettstadt ; 
and upon the part of his bacchants there is little or no 

* Johannes Butzbach, Hodoporicon, or Little Book of Wandering ; 
see Whitcomb, Source Book of the Renaissance, p. 80. Also Butz- 
bach, Chronica, Regensburg, 1879. 



THE WANDERING SCHOLARS 37 

interest shown in learning, but solely in an easy living 
gained through the begging abilities of the shooters. 
The extreme to which this form of charity on the part 
of the people and of mendicancy on the part of the 
students was carried seems hardly credible. At Breslau, 
so numerous were these students or beggars that the 
city was divided into sections, each assigned to students 
that had attached themselves to given schools. At Nu- 
remberg a similar division was made, and each school 
divided up its pupils into groups of ten, each successive 
group being assigned in turn to do the daily begging. 
Two of each group carried huge baskets, holding two or 
three bushels, each basket adorned with the picture of 
the patron saint of the school. When full, these were 
carried to the school, where the spoils were divided 
by the rectors of the school. Illustrations of these 
begging students with their huge baskets are still pre- 
served.* The custom of taking the entire schools upon 
a singing tour throughout the city on certain even- 
ings usually preceding feasts was another profitable 
source of income. Where such large numbers of stu- 
dents were in constant residence, the city council, as at 
Nuremberg, controlled their customs by ordinances. 

Students thus attached permanently to given schools 
were termed locati in distinction to the vagantes. This 

*Emil Reicke, Monographien zur deutschen Kulturgeschichte, 
Band 9. Der Lehrer. Many additional details concerning this 
phase of student life are given in this volume. 



38 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

was the stage presumably striven for and reached by 
each of the older bacchants as they became able to 
teach, especially in the numerous municipal and guild 
schools. However, it is evident from Platter's narrative 
that the pleasures and the easy life of the vagantes 
often furnished greater attractions than did the hon- 
ours and responsibilities of a fixed position in a school. 
After the separation from the Church of Eome was 
accomplished, Luther, in one of his admonitions con- 
cerning the establishment of schools, refers to the old 
schools as follows : " Such towns as will not have good 
teachers, now that they can be gotten, ought, as for- 
merly, to have locati and bacchantes — stupid asses who 
cost money enough and yet teach their pupils nothing 
but to become asses like themselves." 

The many changes in the school system wrought by 
the reformation and the renaissance put an end to the 
life of the wandering scholars, at least of the grade 
of bacchants and shooters, in the Teutonic countries. 
Owing to the great diversity in the attitudes of the old 
institutions to the new learning, many students con- 
tinued to adopt the wandering life. The term bacchant 
is soon restricted to the students entering upon a uni- 
versity course, the beani* or " foxes/' around whom 
centres so much that is objectionable in the university 
life of the times. The deposition of these students, 

*Rashdall, University of the Middle Ages, vol. ii, part ii, chapter 
xiv, Student Life and Customs. 



REVIVAL OF THE LIBERAL EDUCATION 39 

similar to modern hazing of freshmen, finally took such 
extreme form as to require the action of national legis- 
lation to bring the students under control. By this 
time, however, the wandering student, in the mediaeval 
sense, had almost ceased to exist, and the term was 
applied to a different type. 



THE KEVIVAL OF THE IDEA OF THE 
LIBEKAL EDUCATION 

Platter's experience furnishes one of the clearest con- 
crete instances of the close connection between the gen- 
eral movement in humanism and the more definite 
changes in educational and religious practices during 
the sixteenth century. His educational conversion is 
little less striking, certainly no less decided and sharp, 
than his conversion to the protestant beliefs and prac- 
tices. Platter himself says nothing of this broader 
relationship of his work and little to show that he ap- 
preciated the broader aspects of the humanistic move- 
ment. In fact, he reveals the rather common sixteenth- 
century belief, the prevailing North European concep- 
tion of the humanistic movement, that it concerned 
two things, namely, a broader and more intimate knowl- 
edge of the classical languages and literature and a 
reformation in the Church. Consequently, it may be 
well to call attention to the more fundamental aspects 



40 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

of this movement not clearly indicated in Platter's 
narrative. 

While the most striking objective feature of the re- 
naissance was the desire to master the language of the 
Greeks and of the Classical Latinists, a devotion to 
their literature and a passion for the possession of 
manuscripts and books, the all too rare palladium of 
these treasures, yet a far more significant characteristic 
lay beneath all these, namely, a desire to rediscover and 
to re-create the ideals and practices of life as well as 
the language of these masters of the ancient days. Edu- 
cationally, there was the attempt to re-establish the lib- 
eral education existent in the writings, if not in reality, 
in the times of Plato, of Cicero, and of Quintilian. 
The ideal of a liberal education finds many followers 
and some exemplars, especially among the Latin peo- 
ples, though with the Teutonic peoples and the six- 
teenth century the broader ideal had narrowed down 
to that conception which is found embodied in the lat- 
ter work of Platter, who found no more place for the 
physical and social element in education, and but little 
more for the aesthetic, than did that scheme of educa- 
tion revealed in the account of his early life. The 
change to him meant little more than a devotion to the 
language and some portions of the literature of the 
Eomans and Greeks, and, when the new literary motive 
is combined with the religious, to the Hebrew language 
and biblical literature as well. 



REVIVAL OF THE LIBERAL EDUCATION 41 

Writing in 1392 on Liberal Education, Vergerius, 
one of the early renaissance educators of Italy, defines 
the meaning of education in the following terms : " We 
call those studies liberal which are worthy of a free man ; 
those studies by which we attain and practise virtue 
and wisdom; that education which calls forth, trains, 
and develops those highest gifts of body and of mind 
which ennoble men and which are rightly judged to 
rank next in dignity to virtue only." * It is in this 
spirit that many of the early renaissance educators 
worked, a spirit, it must be confessed, that was unex- 
pressed, probably wholly unrecognised by Platter and 
by most of his contemporaries. Erasmus, writing about 
that time, makes the following statement about the 
purpose and content of studies : " Knowledge seems to 
be of two kinds: that of things and that of words. 
That of words comes first, that of things is the more 
important. ... So, then, having acquired the ability 
to speak, if not volubly, certainly with correctness, next 
the mind must be directed to a knowledge of things/' 

Eabelais, a contemporary of Platter, writes, in the 
words of a father to his son, in the same spirit : " There 
should be enkindled in thee the qualities of the soul, 
by which alone shalt thou be judged as the guardian 
and keeper of the immortality of our name; and my 
pleasure in seeing this would be small if that the least 

* De Ingenuis Moribus in Woodward's Vitterino de Eeltra, pp. 
102, et seq. 

5 



42 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

part in me, which is the body, should remain, and the 
best, which is the soul, and through which alone our 
name may be a blessing to men, should be degenerate 
and bastard. The which I say through no distrust of 
thy virtue, which has been already proven to me, but 
the rather to encourage thee to strive on from good to 
better. And what I herein write is not so much that 
thou shouldst live in this thy virtuous course, but that 
thou shouldst rejoice in so living and in so having lived, 
refreshing thyself thereby with courage for the future. 
To perfect and consummate which end, I may remind 
thee how I have spared nothing; but so have propped 
thee up as if I had no other treasure in the world save 
in the seeing of thee, during my life, whole and perfect, 
equally in virtue, honesty, and valour, as in all liberal 
and right knowledge; and so to leave thee after my 
death, as a mirror reflecting me thy father, and if not 
to bring thee to such a point of excellence as I might 
wish, still to inspire the thirst for its attainment." 

This conception of the educated man is to be worked 
out, according to Eabelais, through a scheme of educa- 
tion as broad as the renaissance movement itself, and 
yet it is not so much the scheme of studies that is 
broader than that of Platter and the humanistic school- 
men as it is the conception of the aim and meaning 
of it all. The scheme of studies follows : " I expect and 
desire that thou shouldst learn perfectly the languages. 
First Greek, as Quintilian advises; secondly, Latin; 



REVIVAL OF THE LIBERAL EDUCATION 43 

and then Hebrew, because of the Holy Scriptures. 
Likewise Chaldee and Arabic; and form thy style, as to 
Greek, after Plato ; as to Latin, after Cicero. Let there 
be no history which is not firm in thy memory, to 
which end cosmography will help thee. Of the liberal 
arts, I gave thee a taste of geometry, arithmetic, and 
music when thou wast still little, no older than five or 
six; pursue the rest and search out all the laws of 
astronomy. As to astrology and the Lullian art, leave 
them ; they are abuses and vanities. Know by heart the 
texts of civil law and compare them with the teachings 
of philosophy. Now, as to the facts of nature, addict 
thyself studiously to the learning of them, so that there 
be no sea, river, or lake of which thou knowest not the 
fish; so that all the birds of the air, all the plants and 
fruits of the forest, all the flowers of the soil, all the 
metals hid in the bowels of the earth, all the gems of 
the East and South, none shall be foreign to thee. 
Most carefully pursue the writings of physicians, Greek, 
Arab, Latin, despising not even the Talmudists and 
Cabalists; and by frequent searching gain perfect 
knowledge of the microcosm, man. And at certain 
hours of the day, turn to the Holy Scriptures. First 
to the New Testament and Epistles, in Greek, then to 
the Old Testament, in Hebrew. In short, let me behold 
in thee an abyss of learning; for, as thou becomest a 
man and great, thou must come out from this tran- 
quility and calm of study, learning chivalry and arms, 



44 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

wherewith to defend my house and to succour our dear 
friends from hurt of evildoers. I would that thou 
shouldst shortly learn how much thou hast profited, 
the which thou canst no more easily do than by main- 
taining theses, publicly against all comers, frequenting, 
too, the company of the learned." 

Pope Leo X gives expression to a similar conception 
of the meaning of humanism : " We have been accus- 
tomed even from our youth, to think that nothing 
more excellent or more useful to mankind has been 
given by the Creator to mankind, if we except only the 
knowledge and true worship of Himself, than these 
studies, which not only lead to the ornament and guid- 
ance of human life, but are applicable and useful to 
every particular situation ; in adversity consolatory ; in 
prosperity pleasing and honourable; insomuch that 
without them we should be deprived of all the grace 
of life and all the polish of social intercourse." * 

Previous to this (1475) Pius II had written a treat- 
ise, Concerning a Liberal Education,! embodying a 
conception as broad as that of the Greeks, from whom 
it was drawn. Physical training, diet, behaviour, social 
forms, religion, eloquence, aesthetics, besides the ordi- 
nary routine of grammar, rhetoric, literature, mathe- 
matics, and philosophy, are all given place. 

* Jebb, in Humanism in Education, pp. 8-9. 
f iEneas Sylvius, de Liberorum Educatione in "Woodward's Vit- 
terino de Feltra, pp. 136-160. 



REVIVAL OF THE LIBERAL EDUCATION 45 

But it was not to this class that Platter belonged. 
He presents a typical case of the humanistic educator 
of the Teutonic countries in that he accepts fully the 
formal means of education in which the humanists all 
agree; that is a thorough mastery of the forms of the 
Latin language, the use of a wide selection of the best 
classics of that language with some familiarity with the 
Greek, and possibly the Hebrew language, all culminat- 
ing in a dialectic which was a combination of the me- 
diaeval dialectic with the Roman ideal of oratory. The 
dialectical and oratorical ideals fused, as is seen even 
earlier in the much broader conception of Vitterino 
de Feltra,* and later in the work of Sturm, Trotzen- 
dorf, and others to be mentioned. But Platter is also 
typical, in that while he adopts these educational means 
he substitutes for the broad conception of a liberal edu- 
cation one "that gives to a man all the perfection of 
body, mind, and soul of which he is capable," a much 
narrower one derived from the dominant humanistic 
and religious motive of the north European education 
of the sixteenth century. This new education of which 
Platter is a representative is but little broader in its 
purpose than was the mediaeval scholastic education 
which preceded it, though much higher in the material 
which it used and broader in its application to the 
masses of the people, and hence more potent in its 

* See Woodward, Vitterino de Feltra and other Humanistic Edu- 
cators, pp. 1-93 ; Symonds, Revival of Learning, p. 297 ; The 
Cambridge Modern History, vol. i, pp. 556-557. 



46 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

results. This education is humanistic only in the nar- 
rower sense, humanities conceived as language and lit- 
erature, and is controlled by a narrow dogmatic spirit 
foreign to the liberalism of the Greeks and of the early 
renaissance. 

The change in the character of the renaissance move- 
ment had been spoken of as a narrowing process, since 
the movement in the early period, and particularly in 
Italy, was broader, in the sense that its ideal was one 
of personal development, of personal achievement, of 
broad self-realization, of attainment to the Greek idea 
of freedom or of education. It was in that sense, and 
so as bearing particularly upon the conception of edu- 
cation from the point of view of the school, that the 
contrast is unfavourable to the German humanists of 
whom Platter was a very minor representative. But 
in another and quite as important sense the German 
movement was broader even in its educational bearing ; 
that is, classical study, learning, education, were to be 
encouraged as a whole and were to be directed towards 
a social, that is a religious, reform. It was an after- 
growth that the humanistic study came to be directed 
chiefly to theological formulations; primarily it was 
towards reform in religious and social practices. Here 
again the evidence which Platter furnishes being merely 
incidental and personal, is, though of importance, yet 
of much less interest than the work of his contem- 
poraries, so far as it goes. 



RENAISSANCE IDEAS IN GERMANY 47 

RENAISSANCE EDUCATIONAL IDEAS IN 
GERMANY 

The dissemination of the humanistic ideas of edu- 
cation throughout the German countries — in fact, 
throughout northern Europe — occurred during the lat- 
ter part of the fifteenth century and the first half of 
the sixteenth. Their conquest of the German hurgher 
schools might he said to have occurred within the first 
quarter of the sixteenth century. Before that time the 
leading universities, such as Heidelberg, Erfurt, and 
Leipzig, had accepted the new learning and, after Wit- 
tenberg was founded in 1502 as a humanistic institu- 
tion, were shortly thereafter reorganized along the same 
lines. It was under the leadership of such men as 
Agricola, Erasmus, and Melancthon that the transition 
was made, and the school-masters who were the imme- 
diate instruments of this change, though men of minor 
importance, were pupils of these great leaders. 

The Order of Brethren of the Common Life to which 
most of these leaders belonged, either as members or as 
pupils, has already been mentioned. Among these were 
Agricola (1443-1485), Hegius (1433-1498), Murmil- 
lius (1479-1517), Reuchlein (1455-1522). But be- 
fore all of these in importance stands the work of a 
pupil of the school at Deventer, Desiderius Erasmus 
(1466-1536). To him more than to any of these was 
due the introduction of the humanistic spirit in north- 



48 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

em Europe — for he was a cosmopolitan in his life as 
well as in his writings, living in Holland, England, 
France, Germany, and Switzerland. This educational 
leadership of Erasmus was exercised in a great variety 
of ways, though of a most general kind, for he did not 
come into immediate contact with the humanistic 
schools of the burgher type, and only for brief periods 
with the universities, of England, France, Germany, 
and Italy. His influence, while not exercised directly 
through schools, was yet profound; he translated and 
annotated the Scriptures, some of the patristic writ- 
ings, especially Jerome; he edited many of the Latin 
classics, such as Cicero, Lucian, Suetonius, Plautus, 
Seneca, Terence, and published Latin translations of 
selected works of Aristotle, Euripides, Lucian, Plu- 
tarch, and Libianus. He translated and wrote gram- 
mars of the Greek and Latin tongues ; he made familiar 
through his Adages the sayings of many of the ancients 
with applications to contemporary religious and educa- 
tional conditions; he prepared Colloquies or dialogues 
which came into universal use in the schools and served 
not only as models of Latin style, but, from their satire 
on educational, religious, and social abuses, also as tre- 
mendous instruments of reform. Through such works 
as the Praise of Folly he led in the work of reform in 
these abuses. But besides these things, which give 
Erasmus the leadership in this educational reform of 
the sixteenth century, he wrote directly upon the sub- 



RENAISSANCE IDEAS IN GERMANY 49 

ject of education. In his Order of Studies * he gives his 
ideas as to the authors and texts to be studied and the 
methods to be followed. But he emphasizes also his be- 
lief that things as well as words should be studied, and 
that this study should go along with the study of words. 
In fact, he holds that the knowledge of reality is 
more important than the study of words or of litera- 
ture, and in this puts himself beyond the narrower 
tendency of sixteenth-century humanism. He admits 
that the study of words must come first, and holds 
that our chief knowledge of reality comes from the 
ancients, but at the same time there should be an 
independent study of things if for no other reason at 
least because such a knowledge assists in the interpreta- 
tion of passages from the classical authors. Hence his 
text-books and writings have a most immediate and 
practical bearing on life. True, his position in regard 
to the reform movement in the Church was unsatis- 
factory to both parties, and consequently he has been 
accused of cowardice ; yet, notwithstanding this, his in- 
fluence was the most important force in the general 
movement in social reform in the sixteenth century, 
and especially in the educational aspect of it. Others 
of his writings that bear directly upon education are 
those connected with the controversy with the " Cice- 
ronians," and gave rise to his dialogue bearing that 

* De Ratione Studii in Crenius's Consilia et Methodi Aureae 
Studiorum Optime Instituendorum. 



50 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

title. The design of this dialogue and of the contro- 
versial writings preceding it, is to ridicule the ex- 
tremely narrow conception of those humanists of the 
times who considered the sole aim of education to be 
the development of the ability to use the Ciceronian 
Latin. Not only was the power of written and spoken 
language to be determined by the usage of Tully, but 
no subject was of sufficient interest to be studied or 
noticed if not originally found in the Ciceronian writ- 
ings. No Latin texts were to be used except those 
allied in style to Cicero, or such as would give oppor- 
tunity for practical conversational use. Erasmus ac- 
cepted the Ciceronian conception of the educated man, 
that is, the orator, but he held the doctrine enunciated 
in the work on that subject by the master, that the 
orator must first of all be a man, and that education 
was directed primarily towards the production of that 
result. 

The humanistic leader whose influence was of the 
same general nature as that of Erasmus but worked 
directly upon the schools was Philip Melancthon (1497- 
1560). Melancthon exerted a general influence through 
much the same channels as did Erasmus, though re- 
stricted more to the German people. As a university 
lecturer, throughout most of his long life, he was the 
greatest direct inspiration of this half-century to hu- 
manistic study; as the translator or editor of classical 
texts, he re-enforced this influence; as the author of 



RENAISSANCE IDEAS IN GERMANY 51 

grammars of the Greek and Latin languages and of 
various school-books, he made the approach to these 
studies much easier for the youth. Among the text- 
books are manuals of logic, of rhetoric, of physics, and 
of ethics. Melanethon's activity in respect to organiza- 
tion of subjects for schools was little less comprehensive 
than the scope of his university lectures, which cov- 
ered almost every subject. His many addresses — in- 
augural, dedicatory, etc. — giving his conception of the 
humanistic education, are little more than pleas for the 
study of philosophy and of the Greek and Latin clas- 
sics, and of the Hebrew language, as an approach to 
the scriptures. In more direct ways than these, which 
are general methods of influence on education exerted 
by the humanists, Melancthon gave shape to the Ger- 
man system of education to such an extent that he was 
given the title, " Preceptor of Germany." He drew up 
the plans of study for a great number of the gym- 
nasia, as the new humanistic schools came to be called 
by this time, and was consulted by city magistrates 
and educators in the shaping of many more. A 
second means of direct influence was through his 
pupils; it was estimated that by the middle of the 
sixteenth century there were few if any of these schools 
in Germany that had not at least one of Melancthon's 
pupils as a teacher. Among them were many of the 
most noted rectors of these schools, such as Neander, 
Trotzendorf, and Camerarius. Finally, in the plan of 



52 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

schools which he drew up for the Elector of Saxony 
and which was published in 1528 as a part of the gen- 
eral laws of the duchy, he elaborated the general foun- 
dation of the school system of Germany, since the gen- 
eral ideas of this were later incorporated into the laws 
of many of the other German states. The schools as 
outlined were strictly humanistic schools, even German 
being excluded from the earlier plan, and were organ- 
ized into three distinct groups or grades. The details 
of this plan are given in comparison with the curricu- 
lum outlined by Platter for his school (p. 61). 

One other of these early German university leaders 
deserves to be mentioned. Jacob Wimpheling, of whom 
we hear very little, especially when compared with the 
two educators previously mentioned, was from the more 
limited educational point of view scarcely of less im- 
portance. He shared with Melancthon the title of 
" Preceptor of Germany," on account of his influence 
on schools; and his writings on the general character 
and purpose of education, as well as on the method of 
study and the curriculum, are quite as numerous and 
valuable as those of Erasmus. 

Wimpheling was born and died at Schlettstadt, a city 
of little less importance than Heidelberg and Tubingen 
as a renaissance centre in southern Germany, though 
much of his work was in connection with the Uni- 
versity of Heidelberg, of which he was at one time 
rector. He was allied with the older group of human- 



RENAISSANCE IDEAS IN GERMANY 53 

ists, and held a somewhat broader view of education 
than that generally prevalent. He asks : " Of what use 
are all the books in the world, the most learned writ- 
ings, the profoundest researches, if they only minister 
to the vainglory of their authors, and do not, or can- 
not, advance the good of mankind? Such barren, use- 
less, injurious learning as proceeds from pride and 
egotism serves to darken understanding and to foster 
all evil passions and inclinations. What profits all our 
learning if our character be not correspondingly noble, 
all our industry without piety, all our knowing without 
love of our neighbour, all our wisdom without humil- 
ity, all our studying if we are not kind and charitable ? " 
One of Wimpheling's pupils was John Sturm, whose 
ideas of education, much narrower and more intense 
than these, are to be given later. Two of Wimpheling's 
works on education are of especial importance. The 
first is a Guide to German Youth,* which gives a 
contrast of method and content between the old edu- 
cation and the new humanistic education. The second 
work, published in 1500, entitled Adolescentia, or 
Youth, is a treatise more on the moral and religious 
aspect of education, as indicated in the quotation above. 
Wimpheling was a pupil of the school at Schlett- 
stadt, and did much through encouragement and his 

* Sammlung padagogische Schriften, vol. iii, edited by J. 
Freundgen. 

f Ereundgen, Sammlung, toI. iii. 



54 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

own reputation towards making that school one of 
the earliest and most advanced humanistic schools of 
Germany. 

TYPES OF RENAISSANCE SCHOOLS IN 
GERMANY 

The Schlettstadt school was at once a type of these 
schools and one of the most influential. It was founded 
by the burghers of the city about the middle of the 
fifteenth century, and owes its superiority partly to 
the progressiveness of the wealthy little city at that 
time, but more especially to its close connection with 
the Brethren of the Common Life, who educated the 
earlier rectors. Such school-men as Dringenberg, Crato, 
Sapidus, were among the rectors, while more famous 
humanists, as Wimpheling, Sturm, Simler, Melanc- 
thon's teacher, Beatus Rhenanus, were among the 
pupils of these. This school is the first to which Plat- 
ter came in all his wanderings that gave him any 
insight into the meaning of school-work, or any inspira- 
tion to effort and achievement in study. Platter vis- 
ited the school in 1517, at which time, with Sapidus 
as rector, there were more than nine hundred pupils 
in the school. With the progress of the reformation 
and the growth of the neighbouring school at Strass- 
burg, the Schlettstadt school lost its reputation. 

Mention has been previously made of the schools of 



RENAISSANCE SCHOOLS IN GERMANY 55 

the Brethren of the Common Life as types of monastic 
schools. But they were rather transitions between the 
old monastic education and the new humanistic. And 
it is to the leaders and the schools of this order that 
the introduction into north Europe of the humanistic 
idea of education is chiefly due. 

When first organized (1376) the educational activi- 
ties of this order were confined within very narrow 
lines. For though from the first they were active in 
copying manuscripts, chiefly as a form of manual la- 
bour and as a source of income, yet they were re- 
stricted in their studies to the Bible and the writings 
of the Fathers. Soon after the death of Groot, how- 
ever, their intellectual interests were much broadened, 
and they became the leaders in the humanistic move- 
ment in north Europe. They numbered among their 
early leaders Agricola, Hegius, Eeuchlin ; they educated 
Thomas a Kempis, Erasmus, and the founder of the 
Jesuit order. Their chief motive being always the 
moral and religious one, they aimed to bring as much 
as possible of the truth and beauty of the scriptures 
and of literature to the common people. Consequently 
they led in giving instruction in the vernacular and in 
the translation of the Bible. Their great educational 
influence was exerted, however, through the founding 
of their schools. Throughout the low countries — the 
Ehine valley, the north of France, in north Germany 
as far as Prussia — and in more remote regions, their 



56 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

schools flourished. Their schools were the most popu- 
lar in all Europe; the numbers of students were large, 
reaching more than two thousand at Deventer by the 
close of the fifteenth century in the time of Hegius. 
By this time they had been instrumental in introducing 
not only a purer Latin and the classics of that lan- 
guage into the schools, but also the study of Greek 
and of Hebrew. Nor was their influence limited to the 
members of their order and the scholars of their schools, 
for many of the latter became teachers in the new 
burgher schools that were now being established in 
great numbers. Platter's brief mention of the school 
at Schlettstadt is but a piece of circumstantial evi- 
dence typical of the character of their work, for most 
of his wanderings were outside the limits reached by 
the influence of that order. But slight as was his con- 
tact with the school of the Brethren, it was the vital- 
izing touch so characteristic of their work. 

The typical humanistic schools, at least until the 
development of the Jesuit schools in the latter part 
of the sixteenth century, were those under control of 
the reformation leaders and supported by reformation 
cities. It is true that this movement had made great 
progress before the reformation and was one of the 
chief causes of the reformation, but for the greater 
part of the sixteenth century the two movements fused 
and the chief educative influence of the reformation 
during that century was towards the founding of hu- 



RENAISSANCE SCHOOLS IN GERMANY 5? 

manistic schools and universities controlled by the 
cities or states. The transition within the universities 
was completed before the outbreak of the reformation, 
and began with the burgher schools with Nuremberg 
before the close of the fifteenth century. But it was 
not till the opening by Melancthon of the new human- 
istic school in Nuremberg in 1526 that the reform 
could be said to be complete. In a similar way Melanc- 
thon was directly influential in the establishment of 
such schools of the new learning all over Germany. 
There is yet preserved correspondence between Melanc- 
thon and fifty-six cities in which he gives counsel and 
direction concerning the foundation and the work of 
such schools.* As additional types of these schools, 
under combined reformation and renaissance influences, 
Goldberg and Strassburg may be noticed. 

The school at Goldberg was refounded by Trotzen- 
dorf in 1531, though he had previously been rector of 
the school for a short time. The school curriculum 
was modelled directly upon the line of Melancthon's 
ideas, and the latter wrote introductions to at least 
one of his pupil's text-books designed for this school. 
The great aim of the school, as with all of these, was 
to give a speaking and writing knowledge of the Latin 
language. Hence grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic, 
with the study of Terence, Plautus, Cicero, Virgil, and 
Ovid constituted the major part of the work. Greek 

* Hartf elder, Melancthonia Padagogica. 
6 



58 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

and religious instruction and music were included, but 
the addition of arithmetic and natural philosophy, in- 
cluding some geography and astronomy, was a novelty. 
The details of the curriculum and of method are simi- 
lar to those to be given in connection with the account 
of Sturm and of Platter. But the methods of organ- 
ization and government were quite unique. In instruc- 
tion/ Trotzendorf, whose school was thronged with 
students from a very wide region on account of its 
excellent work, adopted a scheme of tutorial instruction, 
by which the boys of the higher classes gave tuition to 
the boys in the lower. Sturm employed a device some- 
what similar but not carried to the same extent. In 
almost every respect the English monitorial system of 
the early nineteenth century was foreshadowed. 

On the side of organization Trotzendorf carried out 
the monitorial idea much as did Lancaster and Bell, 
or as did the English public schools, or as is attempted 
in some modern schemes of self-government. The pur- 
pose here was as much that of instruction, both in- 
tellectual and moral, as it was that of discipline. In- 
stead of resorting to the reproduction of Latin and 
Greek plays, as did Sturm and, later, the Jesuits in 
their schools, Trotzendorf organized his school on the 
plan of a Eoman republic. The school was divided 
into six classes, and each class into tribes presided over 
by their own officers. There was a school magistracy 
of twelve senators and two censors, who preserved or- 



KENAISSANCE SCHOOLS IN GERMANY 59 

der and punished offences. There were questors, who 
secured prompt attendance on all school exercises, and 
supervised a multitude of similar affairs. The busi- 
ness was conducted in Latin; in fact, this was the sole 
language of the school, and the more important officers 
delivered formal Latin orations upon relinquishing their 
offices. Trotzendorf s plan probably represents the ex- 
treme development of the two renaissance tendencies as 
revealed in the schools and at the same time their best 
harmonization, namely, the tendency to substitute the 
ideals, methods, and control of civil government for the 
monastic and ecclesiastical which had previously pre- 
vailed, and the substitution of a classical Latin as the 
written and spoken word, with emphasis on the lit- 
erary and rhetorical side rather than as formerly on 
mere dialectic treatment of patristic and scholastic 
treatises. 

One minor incident in Platter's narrative becomes of 
great interest in that it furnishes a concrete instance 
of yet another general educational tendency of the 
times ; this is his reference to the gymnasium at Strass- 
burg organized by John Sturm in 1537. This was the 
most influential of all the early renaissance schools, 
not only in Germany but probably in all Europe, and 
its influence was largely exerted in the manner seen 
in Platter's case, through visits to the school by mas- 
ters of other schools and by approximate imitations 
of the model. 



60 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

John Sturm (1507-1589) was called in 1537 to the 
rectorship of the gymnasium then founded by the mag- 
istrates of the city of Strassburg. Sturm's reputation as 
a classicist, established by publications and by his work 
as lecturer at Louvain and also at Paris, rendered most 
appropriate his selection to the headship of the human- 
istic school of one of the most important cities of central 
Europe. By his power of organization, of which he 
immediately gave evidence in the organization of a cur- 
riculum, and in the grading of a school, as well as in 
its general administration; by his improved and sys- 
tematized methods; by his well- written text-books; by 
his correspondence with such men as Ascham in Eng- 
land and Melancthon in Germany; by his well-trained 
pupils, whom he put in charge of many schools through- 
out Europe ; and by his personal example and counsel he 
became the most influential school-master in Europe, as 
distinct from the broader educationists such as Melanc- 
thon. As he often had an attendance of several thousand 
students drawn from all parts of Europe, and usually 
including some hundred of the nobility, the channels 
which he controlled for the immediate communication 
of the influence of the school were very numerous. 
Sturm presided over this school for forty-five years, 
though his work was varied by the performance of many 
public duties for various sovereigns, for which his abil- 
ity and his influence well fitted him. It was Sturm's 
design, at least in later years, to develop the school into 



RENAISSANCE SCHOOLS IN GERMANY 61 

a university, and much of the literary and rhetorical 
work of the faculty of philosophy was provided for. 
For this reason the curriculum of the school, as given 
later (p. 68), is somewhat more than a mere standard 
of comparison for other gymnasia. 

The success of Sturm's school is undoubtedly due to 
the fact that he possessed the most definite conception 
of the purpose of schooling and that he organized a 
system for the most rigid execution of this purpose. 
That the training given was very narrow is to be ad- 
mitted, and in this, as well, Sturm becomes one of the 
best representatives of his times in the narrowed hu- 
manistic conception characteristic of the later renais- 
sance period. Conceiving the aim of education in 
terms of piety, knowledge, and eloquence, he provided 
for piety in the study of the catechism, and of those 
portions of the Scriptures that incidentally would give 
good practice in Greek and Latin. Knowledge to him 
was the knowledge of the Latin language and literature, 
with some attention to the Greek; eloquence consisted 
in the ability to use in writing and speaking the Cice- 
ronian Latin. The whole work of the school was de- 
voted to this latter end, for it included the others. 
Considering that the function of the school was to sup- 
ply to the youth of his times the two great advantages 
possessed by the Eoman boy, that of the use of Latin in 
his every-day conversation and that of seeing and hear- 
ing many Latin plays, the work of the school was 



62 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

directed largely to these ends. The school-boys were 
required to familiarize themselves with the names of 
all objects of every-day life, not for the purpose of 
studying or understanding these things, but for the 
purpose of acquiring a Latin vocabulary; they were 
required to make elaborate dictionaries of such words 
and of phrases for common use. They were required 
to memorize a vast number of Ciceronian phrases and 
expressions for use of ordinary conversation ; and final- 
ly, in the latter years of their schooling, all were re- 
quired to participate in the presentation of plays, espe- 
cially those of Plautus and Terence, so as to obtain 
a perfect mastery of the spoken Latin. In the higher 
classes such plays were presented at least once a week. 
As a result of this intensive devotion to the one ideal, 
Sturm's curriculum excluded all other subjects: even 
mathematics was given only a formal recognition, in 
the statement that arithmetic and astrology were to 
be studied in the later years, practically as a portion 
of university work. But it appears from accounts of 
the actual work of the school, that no time was found 
for carrying out even these meagre provisions. His- 
tory likewise was given formal recognition by the ap- 
pointment of a professor of history for the university 
work, but this meant lectures in Latin on Livy and 
Tacitus, authors that were excluded from the gymnasial 
work on account of their departure from Ciceronian 
standards. 



THE SCHOOL AT BASEL 63 

Such was the character of the school that was a 
model for Platter as well as for all Europe. 



THE SCHOOL AT BASEL 

The Latin burgher school of Basel which Platter 
reorganized into a humanistic school in 1541, and over 
which he presided for more than thirty years, was a 
typical gymnasium, though not one of the earliest. The 
earliest of these among the German schools was that 
of Nuremberg, where the study of Latin from the hu- 
manistic point of view began in 1496, and where by 
1521 both Greek and Hebrew had been added. The 
ideas embodied in Platter's curriculum were drawn 
from Melancthon's school-plan and from Sturm's school 
at Strassburg, which Platter visited upon his election 
to the office at Basel, and in which a younger brother 
of his was a teacher. 

The scheme of the school, by daily recitations, for 
the six years is given in full, in the rough notes of 
Platter, as follows : 

First Class 

The children who come into this class are for the 
first time in school or first begin to learn; they are 
divided into three groups. The first of these learn 



64 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

the letters on little tables or blocks. The others then 
read from blocks and spell in Donatus ; they also begin 
to write. Every night the teacher gives to all these 
two Latin words. The pupils must say these every 
morning, and on Saturday morning the teacher exam- 
ines the Latin of the whole week. (Kepetitiones tu- 
multuariae.) On this day also they are taught to pray, 
though they must pray every day, morning and evening, 
in all the classes. When these pupils can read tolerably 
well, they are put in the next class at the quarter day. 

Second Class 

In this class they read in the morning, from 7 to 8, 
the sacred dialogues of Castello; on Saturday morning 
the catechism, 9-10 ; for the first three days the shorter 
colloquies of Erasmus; on the other three days, at the 
same hour, the teacher examines them on Donatus by 
heart. 

1-2. One reads with them the shorter Epistles of 
Cicero. They are examined always on the same 
lesson on the following day. They repeat rapidly the 
declensions of the nouns and verbs in the paradigms 
of Donatus. They are drilled in the easiest and com- 
monest of grammatical rules. 

3-4. Every day they give the declensions and every 
hour one decurion must point out a Scripta, so that 
every day each one points out a Scripta once. 



THE SCHOOL AT BASEL 65 

When, now, one has learned Donatus by heart and 
the commonest rules, he is put in the third class at the 
next quarter day. 

Third Class 

7-8. The New Testament is read. 

9-10. On one day they must learn by heart from 
the Latin grammar of Melancthon; on the next day 
the formulas for speaking the proverbs and sayings 
are pointed out to them. 

1-2. They are given an assignment in the Eclogues 
and in Cicero and the easiest figures of prosody. 

3-4. Select fables of iEsop, with the elements of 
Greek, the declensions of the easiest nouns and verbs; 
then in the fourth class they read the Creek grammar 
complete. They were all reviewed on the above-men- 
tioned lessons, on the following days; and as often as 
they were examined, they repeated the declensions to- 
gether with the easiest rules of construction. 

In this class they also read on Saturdays the cate- 
chism, and on Wednesday they were given writing; but 
on Thursday they were given the letters which they had 
made according to the German outline, drawn from 
Cicero and given to them as a task. 

Those that had mastered the Latin grammar, and 
had been over it at least once, and also had made some 
beginning in Greek, were transferred into the fourth 
class. 



66 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 



Fourth Class 

7-8. In this class they read on one day the Testa- 
ment, yet with more explanation than in the third 
class. On the next, hitherto, a beginning in dialectics; 
after that the rhetoric of Philip (Melancthon) ; but 
now, when this is finished they read the Officia of Cice- 
ro, until they can begin dialectic or perhaps devote 
another hour to it. 

9-10. They read on one day the Epistles of Cicero, 
wherein they were shown the art of dialectic and rhet- 
oric, also the formulas for speaking, poetic metres, etc. 

1-2. In the Metamorphoses of Ovid, one pointed out 
most diligently among other things the tropes and the 
metres of the poet, together with those other things 
that were peculiar to the poets. 

3-4. In Terence, they studied the phrases, as also 
in other Latin readings. They read Greek, always on 
the alternate days, when they had not read in Cicero 
from 9-10, that is they read the dialogues of Lucian. 
They examined on the other day, from word to word, 
the declensions of nouns and verbs and of all parts of 
the orations ; they read the Greek grammer of Ceporinus. 
But when they had recited the Epistles of Cicero, they 
read in the same hour in the Latin grammer of 
Melancthon, yet seldom therefrom, for they had 
been well drilled in it in the third class. When 



THE SCHOOL AT BASEL 67 

they recited in Ovid, they gave the declensions, as also 
in the study of Cicero, yet only that which was unusual 
and difficult, and in Cicero more than in Ovid; then as 
poetry is full of figures, one pointed these out to them 
in advance. In the same lesson that they studied Ovid, 
they examined beforehand the Schemata of Siesen 
brothers. In the study of Terence, they used espe- 
cially the constructions of Erasmus, which they had 
also prepared for the same lesson. 

On Friday, from 3-4, all who were in the third and 
fourth classes were drilled in music, and they sang 
some one or two psalms at times. 

On Saturday, about 9, they gave the letters which 
they themselves had written without any prescribed 
argument, so that each one might select a theme for 
himself, wherein he could use the rules of dialectic 
and rhetoric, or he could choose an argument out of 
the Epistles of Cicero. 

They were also drilled in the Catechism at and be- 
fore the quarterly fasts. Also when one of the Evan- 
gels is finished, one reads sometimes between whiles the 
Catechism. So that those who have lately arrived may 
also be instructed in one holy religion. 

Those in the fourth class, if they are well drilled, 
in the grammar of both languages, Greek and Latin, 
also in the beginning of dialectics and rhetoric; also 
were so well versed in the authors that they immedi- 
ately understand when one reads an author no more in 



68 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

German, but in Latin exposition, may then be per- 
mitted to inscribe themselves as advanced students. 
Such a one has also now the intelligence to control 
himself, as it is beneficial and honourable to him, with- 
out the rod; he also has a desire and taste for litera- 
ture, so that he receives now with joy all that is read 
and explained. They must all have experience. 

While the school was organized into four classes, the 
lowest one had three groups, so that in reality there were 
six grades. This was the number in the Trotzendorf 
school and also in the English public schools as organ- 
ized about the same period. Sturm's school possessed 
nine, and later ten, grades; the Jesuit schools nine, in 
five general divisions. Each class with Platter was 
organized into groups of ten — decurions — partially 
under charge of the brightest boys. These groups were 
not all of the same stage of advancement, so that the 
advantage of further grading was secured. Here, again, 
the practice was similar to that at Strassburg, at Gold- 
berg, and in the Jesuit schools. 

From this comparison it will be seen that Platter's 
curriculum was not so detached as that of Sturm's, 
and was, in fact, but a slight expansion of that of 
iMelanchthon, which was the common basis of all Ger- 
man schools. The Basel school is somewhat more 
highly graded than that provided for in the plan of 
Melanchthon, consisting of six instead of three groups, 
though it falls short of that of Sturm. The importance 




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70 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

of this better grading is recognised by Platter, as indi- 
cated in the letter given below. The same letter indi- 
cates the spirit and motive with which Platter went into 
the work and reveals the basis for some of the rather 
complicated and indefinite relations existing between 
the city councillors, the university, the church and 
private schools mentioned, and the burgher Grammar 
school under Platter. The letter here appended is one 
from Platter to the city councillors, written at their 
request, concerning the organization and work of the 
reformed school which he thereafter took under his care. 
" May the Almighty Eternal G-od order our beginning 
according to his holy pleasure, and bring it to a good 
and useful end. Amen. Since you, my gracious sirs, 
commanded me as your subject, that I should show 
to you in writing my idea of the way in which I hope 
that the school ' at the Castle ? might be most usefully 
and orderly arranged; how there the youths might be 
educated not only in the languages but also in good 
morals ; also what help was necessary for me ; also what 
I required for a salary; at last also concerning the 
house; I now give to you briefly, my gracious sirs, my 
ideas — not to instruct such as you, since your honours 
know well what is necessary to do and what is in your 
power to accomplish — but that I may fulfil your will 
in this respect. I pray you for the honour of God and 
the common need of our city to improve this through 
your honours. 



THE SCHOOL AT BASEL 71 

" In the first place, according to the regulations, that 
one shall divide the boys and arrange them into classes 
or groups in order that one may lose none of his time, 
nor [place] too heavy a burden on the children; also 
in order that one may perceive and understand, what 
help should be and must be there, this is to be con- 
sidered first. For, as every one has a desire to dwell 
in a city or town where there are good laws, all things 
happen harmoniously in joy and pleasure of a commu- 
nity, so also here, if your honours establish everything 
rightly, the citizens will have a desire to educate their 
children and to have them study, and literature and art 
will arise and increase. 

"Now it is, my gracious sirs, as I perceive, you 
probably remembered, how one has commanded the uni- 
versity, that they should reform and examine the school, 
so that they would get in line of progress, which now, 
as I perceive, you have commanded to Mr. Grynaus 
and Mr. Myconius as a school-master; and thereafter 
have charged Mr. Grynaus that he would be a faithful 
overseer, as also Dr. Oecolampadius, of Christlike mem- 
ory, is said to have done before, to specify what should 
be read, also to look after and regulate the classes and 
other things; therefore I will leave this to you, and 
willingly follow you as learned and wise men. I pray 
you, therefore, that it may please you to charge Myco- 
nius, as my beloved father and school-master at Zurich, 
and to remind him of his office that he should have a 



72 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

faithful oversight over the school, and correct and pun- 
ish me if I err, as the one who used it with usefulness 
and understanding; I will willingly receive it at all 
times from him. In order that you, however, may so 
much the better understand, with regard to the help, 
how necessary this is and how little is accomplished and 
may be accomplished by one or even by two, I will show 
to you and discuss in brief the regulations. 

" Thus it may be necessary to divide the whole num- 
ber of the boys into four classes or groups whereof every 
one will have his place, and in each one of which every 
boy will have his seat, according as he succeeds in 
mounting up higher and higher ; so that the first begins 
at the lowest, those who learn the alphabet. After 
these, those who learn to read, for these one instructs 
that they learn Donatus by heart, then begin to decline. 

" These are two classes ; the lowest, with which one 
generally must have the most difficult time, in order 
that one may lead them and teach them to walk like 
children. But it is not enough to hear them, but if one 
is slow the teacher must sit by him and instruct him 
individually. Those who learn the declensions and the 
grammar perfectly may be able to learn to understand 
the Fables of iEsop, Cato and others of the classics — 
they form the third class. In the fourth one may read 
Terence, Virgil, Ovid, Caesar, and other authors, as the 
school-master who understands the thing may deem it 
best. 



THE SCHOOL AT BASEL 73 

" Thus it is possible for you, my gracious sirs, to un- 
derstand well from this, as you are in other things wise, 
what is necessary in the way of help, if one is to do this 
thing properly. There is none of these classes which 
one should not hear four hours each day; also each one 
should have its own especial teacher. Yet not that 
any class should be wholly intrusted to anyone, but from 
one to another; especially the school-master should have 
a good oversight over the lowest, how far it progresses 
daily or not. 

" Now I can well believe that it troubles you that I 
ask so much help, as if I wished to lighten my work 
thereby; but my work will not be lightened, but it will 
be of advantage to the boys. As when one wishes to 
erect a building quickly, he must have many people; 
then the labour of those who work there is not lessened, 
for each one has his work, but the building will be 
erected so much the more advantageously. So also here, 
where there is only a little help, one does as much as he 
can; when the hour is up, he must permit the children 
to go home. Let one consider how it is conducted in 
pther cities, as Zurich, Bern, and Strassburg. In Zurich 
there are two schools and nine teachers. In Strass- 
burg every class has its own teacher. (I write this not 
because you yourselves do not know what is necessary 
to do here, but that you may see how elsewhere litera- 
ture is fostered.) I wish thus, my gracious sirs, to 
admonish you to consider the affair faithfully, that we 



74 THE EDUCATIONAL RENAISSANCE 

do not neglect the youth, and to think also of our 
posterity, that we may leave to them learned people, 
as God has endowed us, in order that we may not fall 
again into the old darkness, though the greatest means 
will not be able to help us, but God through his aid. 
However, through means they are educated and sup- 
ported, but it is not necessary for me to relate this 
to you. 

" Here I can well believe that the other school-mas- 
ters will complain of it, that they have not also been 
helped ; would to God we all had assistance, then would 
we do more good in general; there shall, however, be 
the most help 'at the Castle ' as in the most import- 
ant and largest parish, for it needs the most help, since 
one has there the most boys. 

" In the third place, concerning my necessary salary, 
I cannot say much; it remains with you, my gracious 
sirs, as also the other things; and yet I would pray 
you, that you would consider the great labour and care 
that such a one must bear and the heavy reckoning 
he must give to God, if he does not conduct it aright; 
that you desire to show me good- will so that I may have 
the desire to do this thing and do it for a long time, 
not as one commonly says: you must endure it until 
something better comes to hand; who sets his heart on 
a better thing, never has his mind and thoughts on his 
work. 

" It is well known to you, my gracious sirs, how 



THE SCHOOL AT BASEL 75 

much good is caused by having a new school-master 
every day or even every year. I pray you, respectfully, 
that you will procure me a fixed amount in order that 
I need not be a burden to you daily and beg. If you 
would let it remain, as it was established at first, 
it would indeed not be too much. I know well what is 
given elsewhere, but it is not necessary to tell it; you 
will conclude it for the best. 

"In respect to the house, it is my final request to 
you, my gracious sirs, that you will leave me in this 
one. I have laboured much until it is become mine. 
I have arranged it beautifully; it is convenient and 
well ordered. You desire also to help me in this, then 
rent this and give me rent for my house, so then will 
I give to you what remains over, in order that it may 
not be too expensive for you; I pray you, if it may be, 
in order that I need not move again. 

" Thus, your honours, you have my ideas in brief, 
as I understand the situation; may you receive it from 
me for the best. I pray you, for the honour of God, 
your common needs, and the furthering of my affairs, 
that you may cause it to be commanded in order that 
I may know in what circumstances I am." 



II 



THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF 
THOMAS PLATTER 



II 



THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF 
THOMAS PLATTER 

Since you, dear son Felix, as well as many famous 
and learned men, who for many years in their youth 
have been my pupils, have frequently requested me to 
describe my life from my youth up; for you, as well as 
they, have often heard from me, in what great poverty 
I have been from my birth, afterward in what great 
peril of life and limb I have been, first when I served 
in the terrible mountains, and then when in my youth 
I followed after the wandering students ; also later how 
I, with my wife, have supported my family with great 
care, trouble, and labour — since, then, this story may 
be of value especially to you, in order that you may 
consider how God has many times so wonderfully pre- 
served me, and that you mayest thank the Lord in 
heaven therefor, that he so well endowed and guarded 
you, descended from me, that you have not had to bear 
such poverty; therefore I cannot deny you, but will, as 
far as I remember, make known all concerning my birth 
and education. 

79 



CHAPTER I 

BIRTH— ORPHANAGE 

And first, I know least the time when things have 
occurred. When I thought and asked about the time 
of my birth, people always said I came into the world 
on Shrove Tuesday, just as the bells were ringing for 
mass. That I know, because my friends have always 
hoped from this that I would become a priest. I had a 
sister, who was alone with my mother when I was born ; 
she has also told me this. 

My father was called Antony Platter, of the old fam- 
ily of those who were called Platter ; they received their 
name from a house that is on a wide place (platte). It 
is a rock on a very high mountain by a village called 
Grenchen, belonging to the district and the parish 
of Visp, which is a considerable village district in 
Valais. My mother, however, was called Anna Maria 
Summermatter, of a very large family, which was called 
the Summermatters. The father of this family became 
one hundred and twenty-six years old. For six years 
before his death, I myself have spoken with him, and 

he said that he knew ten other men in the parish of 
80 



BIRTH— ORPHANAGE 81 

Visp who were all older than he was then. When he 
was a hundred years old he married a woman thirty 
years old, and they had one son. He left sons and 
daughters, some of whom were white, some were gray, 
before he died. He was called old Hans Summer- 
matter. 

The house wherein I was born is near Grenchen, and 
is called "by the ditch"; therein you, Felix, yourself, 
have been. When my mother was recovered, she had 
sore breasts, so that she could not nurse me, and I never 
once had any mother's milk, as my dear mother herself 
told me. That was the beginning of my misery. I was 
therefore obliged to drink cow's milk through a little 
horn, as is the custom in that land. For, when they 
wean children, they give them nothing to eat, but only 
cow's milk to drink, until they are four or five years 
old. 

My father died so soon that I cannot remember even 
to have seen him. For, as it is the custom in the land 
that almost all women weave and sew, the men before 
the winter leave that district, going mostly into the 
region of Berne, to buy wool. Then the women spin 
this and make peasant-cloth of it for coats and trou- 
sers for the peasants. My father also had gone into 
the distict of Berne, at Thun, to buy wool. There he 
was taken with the plague and died; he was buried in 
Stiffsburg, a village near Thun. 

Soon thereafter my mother married again, a man 



82 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

called Heintzman, " am Grand/' * between Visp and 
Stalden. So the children were all separated from her. 
I do not know how many of them there were. Of my 
brothers and sisters I knew two sisters only. One, 
called Elizabeth, died in Entlebach, where she had mar- 
ried. The other, called Christina, with eight others, 
died of a pestilence near Burgess, above Stalden. Of my 
brothers, I have known Simon, Hans, and Yoder. 
Simon and Hans died in war. Yoder died at Oberhofen, 
on the lake of Thun. For the usurers had ruined my 
father, so that my brothers and sisters must all go to 
work as soon as they were able. And since I was the 
youngest, my aunts, my father's sisters, each kept me a 
little while. 

Then I can well remember that I was with one, called 
Margaret, who carried me into a house, called " In der 
Wilde," near Grenchen; there, also, was one of my 
aunts, who was making with the others I knew not what. 
Then the one who carried me took a bundle of straw 
that accidentally lay in the room, laid me on the table, 
and went to the other women. My aunts, after they 
had laid me down, had gone to the light, f 

* Surnames, or names of places in process of formation. Many 
such designations were considered later as surnames and are to be 
met with in these identical forms : e.g., Imboden, Amgrund. Con- 
sequently it is almost impossible to give an adequate translation, 
since they are practically proper names. 

f " The light" is an indefinite expression. By some it is sug- 
gested that mass is referred to ; by others that it refers to a spin- 
ning-room or an adjoining room. 



BIRTH— ORPHANAGE 83 

Then I got up and ran through the snow into a house 
close by a fish-pond. When the women did not find me, 
they were in distress, but they found me at last in the 
house, lying between two men who warmed me, for I 
was frozen in the snow. 

Afterward, a while later, when I was with this aunt 
"in the wilderness," my brother came home from the 
Savoy war and brought me a little wooden horse, that 
I drew by a thread before the door, until finally I 
thought that the horse could really go ; therefore I can 
well understand how children often think that their 
dolls and other playthings are living. My brother also 
strode over me with one leg and said : " ho, Tommy, 
now you will never grow any more." This worried me. 

When I was about three years old, the Cardinal 
Matthew Schinner travelled through the land, in order 
to hold a visitation and confirm, as is the custom in the 
Pope's dominions. He came also to Grenchen. At that 
time there was a priest at Grenchen, called Antony 
Platter. They brought me to him, that he might be 
my godfather. But when the Cardinal (perhaps he 
was still bishop) had eaten his luncheon and had gone 
again into the church, in order to confirm, I know not 
what my uncle Antony had to do, it happened that 
I ran into the church, that I might be confirmed and 
that the godfather might give me a card,* as it is the 
custom to give the children something. There sat the 

* A religious picture or image. 



84 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

cardinal in a chair, waiting until they brought the 
children to him. I yet remember very well that I ran 
to him. He spoke to me because my godfather was 
not with me, saying, " What do you want, my child ? " 
I replied, "I want to be confirmed." He said to me, 
laughing, "What are you called?" I answered, "I 
am called Master Thomas." Then he laughed, mur- 
mured something, with one hand on my head, and 
patted me on the cheek with the other hand. At this 
moment Mr. Antony came up, and excused himself, 
saying that I had run away unknown to him. The 
cardinal repeated what I had said, and said to him, 
" Certainly this child will become something wonderful, 
probably a priest." And also because I came into this 
world just as they were summoned to mass, many people 
said that I would become a priest. Therefore they also 
sent me the earlier to school. 



CHAPTER II 

THE GOATHERD 

Now, when I was six years old, they took me to 
Eisten, a valley near Stalden. There my deceased 
mother's sister had a husband, called Thomas of Reid- 
gin, who lived on a farm called "im Boden." There 
for the first year I was obliged to herd the little goats 
near the house. I can remember yet that I sometimes 
stuck in the snow, so that I could scarcely get out; and 
often my little shoes remained behind, and I came home 
barefooted and shivering. This peasant had about 
eighty goats, which I was obliged to herd during my 
seventh and eighth year. And I was yet so small, that 
when I opened the stable and did not quickly spring 
away, the goats knocked me down, ran over me, trod 
on my head, ears, and back, for I usually fell forward. 
When I drove the goats over the bridge over the Visp 
(it is a stream), the first ran into the green corn in the 
cornfield; when I drove these out, then the others ran 
in. Then I wept and screamed, for I knew well that in 
the evening I would be beaten. When, however, the 
other shepherds came to me from other peasants, they 
helped me, especially one of the largest, called Thomas 

85 



86 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

"im Leidenbach " ; he pitied me, and did me much 
kindness. 

Then we all sat together, when we had driven the 
goats on the high and frightful mountains, ate and 
drank together, for each had a little shepherd's basket 
on his back, with cheese and rye-bread therein. Once 
when we had eaten, we wanted to throw at a mark. 
There was on a high precipice or rock, a level place. 
When now one after another had thrown at the mark, 
one stood before me, who was about to throw, to whom 
I wished to give way backward in order that he should 
not strike me on the head or in the face. In doing so I 
fell backward over the cliff. The shepherds all cried, 
" Jesus ! Jesus ! " until they saw me no more. When 
I had fallen down under the rock so that they could not 
see me, they fully believed that I had fallen to my 
death. But soon I got up and climbed up the rock 
to them again. Then first they wept for joy. Some six 
weeks later, one of the goats of one of them fell down 
just where I had fallen, and was killed. So well had 
God watched over me. 

Perhaps a half-year later I was driving my goats once 
more early in the morning, before the other shepherds, 
for I was the nearest, upon a point called the White 
Point. Then my goats went to the right, on a little rock, 
which was a good pace wide, but thereunder terribly deep, 
certainly for more than a thousand fathoms, nothing 
except rock. From the ledge one goat after another 



THE GOATHERD 87 

went up over a precipice, where they could scarcely 
place their hoofs on the little tufts of grass, which grew 
on the rock. As they were now all up, I also wanted 
to follow after. But when I had drawn myself up by 
the grass not more than a small stride, I could go no 
farther; neither was it possible to step back again on 
the little precipice, and much less did I dare to spring 
backward. For I feared, if I sprang back, I would 
jump too far and would fall over the terrible precipice. 
I remained in this position for a good while, waiting 
for the help of God ; for I could help myself no more, 
except that I held on with both little hands to a tuft 
of grass and supported myself by my great toe on a 
little tuft of grass ; and when I was tired, I drew myself 
up by the tuft and placed the other toe thereon. In 
this need I suffered great anxiety because I feared the 
great vultures, which flew about in the air under me; 
indeed, I feared that they would carry me away, as 
sometimes does happen in the Alps, where the vultures 
carry away children or lambs. While I remained thus 
and the wind blew my coat about me, for I had on no 
trousers, then my comrade Thomas espied me from afar, 
but knew not, however, what it was. As he saw my 
little coat fluttering, he thought it was a bird. When, 
however, he recognised me he was so terrified that he 
became quite pale, and said to me, "Now, Tommy, 
stand still." Then he went quickly on to the ledge of 
rock, took me up in his arms and carried me back again, 



88 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

where we could come by another way up to the goats. 
Some years thereafter, when I came home once from 
the schools in distant lands, when my former compan- 
ion had found it out, he came to me and reminded me 
how he had rescued me from death (for it is, indeed, 
true, and yet I give God the glory). He said, when I 
became a priest I should remember him in the mass 
and pray God for him. During the time I served this 
master I did my best, so that thereafter, when I went 
with my wife to Valais, towards Visp, this same peasant 
said to my wife that he had never had a better little 
servant, though I was so small and young. 

Among others of my father's sisters was one who was 
not married, and my father had especially commended 
me to her because I was the youngest child; she was 
called Frances. When, again and again, people came 
to her and told her what a dangerous employment I 
was in, and that I would sometime fall to my death, 
she came to my master, and declared to him that she 
would not leave me there any longer. He was dissatis- 
fied with this. Nevertheless, she took me back again 
to Grenchen, where I was born, put me out to a rich 
old peasant, called Hans " im Boden." I had to herd 
the goats for him also. There it once came to pass that 
I and his young daughter, who also herded the goats 
of her father, had forgotten ourselves in play by a water 
conduit, wherein the water was led along to the farms. 
There we had made little meadows and watered them, 



THE GOATHERD 89 

as children do. Meanwhile the goats had gone up on 
the mountains, we knew not where. Thereupon I left 
my little coat lying there, and went up to the very top of 
the mountains. The little girl went home without the 
goats; hut I, who was a poor servant boy, dared not 
come home until I had the goats. Very high up I found 
a kid, which was like one of my goats. This I followed 
from afar, until the sun went down. When I looked 
back towards the village, it was almost night at the 
houses; I began to go downward, but it was soon dark. 
Then I climbed down the ridge from one tree to an- 
other by the roots (the trees were larches, from which 
the turpentine flows), for many of the roots were loos- 
ened because the earth had been washed therefrom on 
the steep slope. When, however, it was quite dark, and 
I noticed that it was very precipitous, I determined not 
to venture farther, but held myself by a root with one 
hand, and with the other scratched the earth away from 
under the tree and the roots, while I listened as the 
dirt rattled below. I pressed myself partially under the 
roots. I had nothing on except the little shirt, neither 
shoes nor hat: for the little coat I had left lying by 
the water-pipes, in my anxiety at having lost the goats. 
As I now lay under the tree, the ravens became aware 
of me, and croaked in the tree. Then I became very 
anxious, for I feared that a bear was near. I crossed 
myself and fell asleep, and I remained sleeping until 
in the morning, when the sun shone over all the moun- 



90 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

tains. But when I awoke and saw where I was, I know 
not whether in all my life I have been more terrified. 
For if I had gone even two fathoms farther to the 
right, then I would have fallen down a fearfully high 
precipice many thousand fathoms high. Then I was in 
the greatest anxiety, as to how I could get down from 
there. Yet I drew myself farther upward from one 
root to another, until I came again to a place, from 
where I could run down the mountains towards the 
houses. Just as I was out of the woods, near the farms, 
the little girl met me with the goats, which she was driv- 
ing out again; for they had run home themselves when 
it was night. On that account, the people whom I 
served were very much terrified that I did not come 
home with the goats, thinking that I had fallen and 
killed myself. They inquired of my aunt and the people 
who lived in the house where I was horn, for it was 
near the house where I served, whether they knew any- 
thing of me, since I had not come home with the goats. 
Then my aunt and my master's very old wife remained 
on their knees the whole night, praying God that he 
would guard me, if I was yet alive. The aunt was my 
cousin's mother, of whom Johann Stumpf, who was 
the preceptor of the second class at Strassburg, wrote. 
Thereafter, because they had been so terribly fright- 
ened, they would not let me herd the goats any more. 

While I was with this master, and herded the goats, 
I once fell into a kettle full of hot milk, which was 



THE GOATHERD 91 

over a fire, and scalded myself so that the scars have 
been seen all my life long by you and others, I was 
also, while with him, yet twice more in peril. Once 
two of us little shepherds were in the forest, talking 
of many childish things ; among other things, we wished 
that we could fly; then we would fly over the moun- 
tains, through the land to Germany — for so was the 
Confederacy called in Valais. Thereupon came a ter- 
rible great bird, darting, whizzing down upon us, so 
that we thought that it would carry one or both of us 
away. Then we both began to shriek, to defend our- 
selves with our shepherd's crooks, and to cross ourselves, 
until the bird flew away. Then we said to each other: 
"We have done wrong, in wishing that we could fly; 
God has not created us for flying, but for walking." 

Another time 'I was in the cleft of a very deep fissure 
in the rocks, looking for little stars or crystals, many 
of which were found there. Then I saw far above a 
stone, as large as a stove, falling down; and, because 
I could not get out of the way, I stooped down on my 
face. Then the stone fell several fathoms down above 
me, and then bounded out over me ; for the stones often 
spring up many spear-lengths high into the air. 

I had much of such happiness and joy with the goats 
on the mountains (of which I remember little). This 
I know well, that I seldom had whole toes, but have 
often cut off great pieces, and had great cuts and severe 
falls. I was without shoes for the most part in sum- 



92 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

mer, or wooden shoes, and often had great thirst. My 
food in the morning before day was rye broth (made 
from rye meal) ; cheese and rye bread was given me 
in a little basket to carry with me on my back; but 
at night cooked cheese-milk; yet of all these, enough. 
In summer, sleeping on hay, in winter on a straw sack 
full of bugs and other vermin. The poor little shep- 
herds who serve the peasants in those desolate places 
usually sleep thus. 

Since they would no longer permit me to herd the 
goats, I came into the service of a peasant, a fiery and 
passionate man, who had married one of my aunts, 
for whom I had to herd cows. For in most places in 
Valais, they have no common herdsboy for the cows; 
but he who has no place on the Alps, where he can send 
them in summer, has his own little shepherd, who tends 
them on his own farm. 



CHAPTEE III 
THE SCHOOL-BOY— THE WANDERING SCHOLAR 

When I had been with him a while, came one of my 
aunts, called Frances, who wished to send me to my 
cousin, Mr. Anthony Platter, in order that I might 
learn writing. Thus they say, when they would send 
one to school. He was at that time no more in Gren- 
chen, but was now an old man at St. Nicholas, in a 
village called Gasen. When the farmer, who was called 
Antony, "an der Habtzucht," heard of my aunt's in- 
tention, he was much dissatisfied, and said that I would 
learn nothing, and placed the forefinger of his right 
hand in the palm of the left and said : " The boy will 
learn just as much as I can push my finger through 
here." This I saw and heard. My aunt said : " Oh, who 
knows ? God has not refused him his gifts ; he may yet 
make a pious priest of himself." She led me then to 
the gentleman; I was, as near as I can remember, nine 
or nine and a half years old. 

Then things really went evilly with me; then it was 
that hard times really began, for he was a passionate 
man, and I but an awkward peasant boy. He beat me 
very severely, often took me by the ears and dragged 



94 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

me on the ground, so that I screamed like a goat that 
had been stuck with a knife, so that frequently the 
neighbours cried to him, asking whether he would kill 
me. 

I was not long with him. At that time there came 
a cousin of mine, who had travelled to the schools at 
Ulm and Munich; he was a Summermatter, my old 
grandfather's son's son. This student was called Paul 
Summermatter. My friends spoke to him of me. He 
promised then that he would take me with him, and in 
Germany would place me in a school. When I heard 
this, I fell on my knees and asked God, the Almighty, 
that he would help me away from the priest, who taught 
me almost nothing and even beat me without mercy. 
For I had learned to sing the Salve just a little, and 
with other children who were also with the priest to 
sing for eggs in the village. At one time we were 
about to celebrate the mass ; the other boys sent me into 
the church for a light; this I stuck, burning, into my 
sleeve, and burned myself so that I yet have the scar 
from it. As Paul now wished to travel again, I was 
to come to him in Stalden. In Stalden is a house 
called "by the mill-brook. 1 ' There lived one, called 
Simon Summermatter, who was my mother's brother; 
he was to be my guardian. He gave me a gold florin. 
I carried this in my hand as far as Stalden, looked at 
it often on the way, to see whether I yet had it, and 
then gave it to Paul. Thus we went out of the country. 



THE SCHOOL-BOY 95 

On the way I had to beg here and there for myself, 
and give also to my Bacchant,* Panl. For, on account 
of my simplicity and country speech, they gave me 
much. 

When we came over the Grimsel mountain at night 
to an inn, I saw for the first time a tile stove, and the 
moon shone on the tiles. Then I thought it was a very 
large calf. For I saw only two white, shining tiles, 
which I thought were the eyes. In the morning I saw 
geese, which I had never seen before. Therefore, when 
they hissed at me, I thought it was the devil, and fled 
screaming. At Luzern I saw the first tile roof, and 
I was much astonished at the red roofs. We came 
thence to Zurich. There Paul awaited some compan- 
ions, who wished to go with us to Meissen. Meanwhile 
I went to beg, so that I almost supported Paul; for 
when I came into an inn, the people gladly heard me 
talk the Valais dialect and gave to me willingly. 

At that time there was one in Zurich, who was from 
Lenk, in Valais; he was a most deceitful man, by 
the name of Carl; the people thought an exorcist, for 
he knew at all times what happened before and after- 
ward. The cardinal knew him well. This Carl once 
came to me, for we lodged in the same house. He said 
that if I should allow him to give me one blow on the 
bare back, he would give me a Zurich sixpence. I per- 
mitted myself to be persuaded, so he seized hold of me 

* See pp. 33-39. 



96 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

very firmly, laid me over a chair, and beat me very 
severely. When I had borne that, he asked me to lend 
him the sixer back again; he wished to eat with the 
landlady that night, and he had nothing for the reckon- 
ing. I gave him the sixer; it never came back to me. 

After we had waited for the company now eight or 
nine weeks, we set out for Meissen. For me, not ac- 
customed to travel, it was a very long journey; besides, 
I had to procure food on the way. Eight or nine of 
us travelled together — three little shooters, the others 
great bacchants, as they were called, among which I was 
the smallest and youngest of the shooters. When I 
could not go on rapidly, then my cousin Paul went 
behind me with a rod or stick and beat me on the bare 
legs, for I had on no trousers and but poor shoes. 

And, moreover, I no longer remember all the things 
that happened on the road, yet a few I can recall. 
For example, as we were on the journey and were speak- 
ing of all sorts of things, the bacchants said to one 
another that in Meissen and Silesia it was the custom 
that scholars were allowed to steal geese and ducks and 
other eatable things, and that no one would do any- 
thing on that account, if one could escape from the 
owner of the stolen things. One day we were not far 
from a village; there was a great flock of geese gath- 
ered together, and the herdsman was not near ; for every 
little village had its own goose-herd; he was quite a 
distance off from the geese with the cow-herds. There- 



THE SCHOOL-BOY 97 

upon I asked my companions, the shooters, "When 
shall we be in Meissen, that I may be allowed to throw 
and kill a goose?" They said, "We are now there." 
Then I took a stone, threw it, and hit one on the leg. 
The others flew away, but the lame one could not fol- 
low. Then I took another stone, hit it on the head, 
so that it fell down. For with the goats I had learned 
to throw well, so that no shepherd of my age could 
do better. Similarly I could blow the shepherd's horn 
and spring with a pole ; for in such arts I had practised 
with my fellow herdsmen. Then I ran forward, caught 
the goose by the neck, and with it under my coat went 
through the street of the village. Then the goose-herd 
came running after us, crying in the village, " The 
boy has robbed me of my goose." I and my fellow 
shooters fled, and the feet of the goose hung out from 
under my little coat. The peasants came out with 
hatchets, which they could throw, and ran after us. 
When I saw that I could not escape with the goose, 
I let it fall. Beyond the village I sprang out of the 
road into the thicket. But my two companions ran 
down the road, and were overtaken by the peasants. 
Then they fell down on their knees, begged for mercy, 
saying they had done no wrong. And when then the 
peasants saw that they were not the ones that had let 
the goose fall, they returned to the village, taking the 
goose. I saw how they ran after my companions, and 
I was in great trouble, and said to myself : " Oh, God, 



98 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

I believe I have not crossed myself to-day." For they 
had taught me that I should cross myself each morn- 
ing. When the peasants came again to the village, they 
found our bacchants in the inn — for they had gone 
ahead to the inn, and we followed after — and said that 
they should pay for the goose, which they could have 
done perhaps with two batz, but I know not whether 
they paid or not. When they came up to us, they 
laughed and asked us how it happened. I excused my- 
self with the reason that it was the custom of the land. 
But they said it is not yet time. 

At one time a murderer met us in the forest, eleven 
miles this side of Naumburg. We were all there to- 
gether. Then at first he desired to play with our bac- 
chants, only that he might delay us until his compan- 
ions had come together. We had at that time a very 
brave companion, named Antony Schalbetter, from the 
Visper district in Valais, who did not fear four or five, 
as he had already shown in Naumburg and Munich, 
and in other places besides. He ordered the murderer 
with threats that he should take himself away. This 
he did. Now, it was so late that we could barely come 
into the nearest village, and there were two inns there, 
besides that a few houses only. When we entered one, 
there was the murderer before us with one or two 
others, without doubt his companions. Then we would 
not remain there, but went to the other inn. Soon 
also they came to this inn. When, now, the supper 



THE SCHOOL-BOY 99 

had been eaten, every one was so busy in the house 
that they did not wish to give us little boys anything. 
For we nowhere sat at the table at meals. Also, no one 
wanted to give us a bed, but, on the contrary, we had to 
lie in the horse-stalls. But when the older ones were 
shown to bed, Antony spoke to the landlord: "Land- 
lord, it seems that you have some odd guests, and you 
appear not much better. I say to you, landlord, place 
us so that we are safe, or we will create such a dis- 
turbance that this house will be too small for you." 
Thereupon the rascals asked to play chess at table with 
our company (for so they called the game) : this little 
word I had never heard. When they had retired and 
I and the other little boys lay hungry in the horse-stall, 
in the night several persons, perhaps the landlord him- 
self among them, came to the door of the room and 
would have unlocked it. Then Antony, from the inside, 
screwed a screw in the lock, drew the bed before the 
door, and struck a light; for he had always with him 
wax tapers and a tinder-box; then he quickly awoke 
the other comrades. When the rogues heard this, they 
quickly departed. In the morning we found neither 
landlord nor servant. This they told to us boys. We 
were all rejoiced that nothing had happened to us in 
the stable. After we had gone a mile we met some 
people who, when they heard where we had spent the 
night, were much astonished that we had not all been 
murdered; for almost all the villagers were suspected 



Uf 



100 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

murderers. About a quarter of a mile from Naumburg 
our grown companions again remained behind in the 
village; for when they would eat together, they sent 
us on. There were five of us; in a broad field there 
came to meet us eight horsemen with drawn cross-bows, 
who rode around us, demanded money from us, and 
turned their arrows on us; for at that time people 
did not as yet carry guns on horses. One said : " Give 
us money ! " One of us, who was the largest, answered : 
" We have no money ; we are poor students." Then he 
said the second time : " Give us money ! " Then an- 
swered our companion again: "We have no money, 
and we owe you nothing ! " Then the horseman drew 
his sword, raised it, so that it whizzed close by his head, 
and cut in two the straps of his knapsack. Our com- 
panion was called John of Schalen from St. Gall, from 
the village. They rode thereafter into the woods, but 
we went on to Kaumburg. Soon came the bacchants, 
who had seen the knaves nowhere. We were often thus 
in danger on account of robbers and murderers — in the 
Thuringian forest, in Frankland, and in Poland. 

In Naumburg we remained some weeks. Those of 
us shooters who could sing went in the city to sing, 
but I went begging. But we did not go to school. This 
the others would not permit, and threatened to drag us 
to the school. The school-master also commanded our 
bacchants that they should come to school, or they 
would be compelled. But Antony dared them to 



THE SCHOOL-BOY 101 

come. And because some other Swiss were also there, 
they permitted us to know on what day the authorities 
would come, so that they would not unexpectedly attack 
us. Then we little shooters carried stones on the roof. 
But Antony and the others garrisoned the door. 
Then came the school-master with the whole procession 
of his shooters and bacchants. But we boys threw 
stones down upon them, so that they had to give way. 
When now we understood that we were accused before 
the magistrate, we had a neighbour who wished to 
marry his daughter. He had a stable full of fat geese. 
One night we took from him three geese and withdrew 
to another part of the city; it was a suburb, but near 
the city wall, as was also the place where we had been 
till this time. Then the Swiss came to us, drank with 
one another, and then our company withdrew to Halle, 
in Saxony, and went to the school at St. Ulrich. 

But when our bacchants behaved towards us so 
rudely, some of us, with my cousin Paul, resolved to 
run away from the bacchants and go to Dresden. But 
there was no good school there, and the dwellings were 
full of vermin, so that we heard them in the night 
crawling around in the straw. 

We broke up and went to Breslau. We suffered 
much hunger on the way, in that for several days we 
ate only raw onions, with salt; some days roasted 
acorns, crab-apples, and pears. Many a night we lay 
under the open sky, for no one would allow us in the 



102 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

house, however pleasantly we asked for shelter; some- 
times they set the dogs on us. 

When, however, we were to come to Breslau, in 
Silesia, there was great abundance; yea so cheap, that 
the poor students overate themselves, and often made 
themselves sick. There we first went to the school in 
the Cathedral of the Holy Cross. But when we heard 
that in the principal parish of St. Elizabeth there were 
several Swiss, we went there. There were there two 
from Bremgarten, two from Mellingen, and others, 
besides many Schwabians. There was no difference 
between the Schwabians and the Swiss; they spoke to 
one another as countrymen, and protected each other. 

The city of Breslau had seven parishes, and each 
had a separate school. No student dared to go into 
another parish to sing, else they cried: "Ad idem! ad 
idem ! " Then the shooters ran together and beat one 
another very severely. Once there were in the city, 
so it was said, several thousand bacchants and shooters, 
who supported themselves wholly by alms. It was also 
said that some had been there twenty or thirty years, 
or longer, with their shooters, who had to wait upon 
them. I have carried home to the school where they 
lived, to my bacchant, often in one evening five or 
six loads. People gave to me very willingly, because 
I was so small and was Swiss — for the Swiss were 
much liked. People at that time also had a great com- 
passion for the Swiss, for they had suffered severely 



THE SCHOOL-BOY 103 

in the great battle of Milan. So the common people 
said now the Swiss have lost their best pater-noster. 
For they thought that, before this, the Swiss were quite 
unconquerable. 

One day I came in the market-place to two gentle- 
men, or country squires. I heard afterward that the 
one was a Benzenaur, the other a Fugger. They 
walked together. I asked alms of them, as was there 
the custom with poor students. The Fugger spoke to 
me: "From whence are you?" And when he heard 
that I was a Swiss, he conversed with the Benzenaur, 
and thereupon said to me: "Are you really a Swiss? 
then I will adopt you as a son. I will promise you 
that here, before the council, in Breslau; but you must 
bind yourself to remain with me your entire life, and 
where I am, there will you be expected also." I said, " I 
have been given into the charge of one from my home ; 
I will speak to him about it." But when I asked my 
cousin Paul concerning it, he said : " I have taken you 
away from your home; I will take you back to your 
friends again; what they say to you then, that do." 
I therefore refused the gentleman. But as often as I 
came before his house, they did not permit me to go 
away empty. 

I remained thus a long time there; I was three 
times sick in one winter, so they had to take me to the 
hospital. For the students had an especial hospital, 
and their own physician. There was also paid from 



104 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

the town-house sixteen hellers for each sick person every 
week; with this, one could be supported quite well; 
they had good attention, good beds, but there was 
great vermin therein, as large as ripe hempseed, so 
that I, as others also, preferred to lie on the ground in 
the room, rather than in the beds. 

In winter the shooters lie on the ground in the 
school, but the bacchants in the small chambers, of 
which there were several hundred at St. Elizabeth. 
But in the summer when it was hot, we lay in the 
churchyard, gathered grass together, such as one in 
summer on Saturdays spreads in the gentlemen's street 
before the doors. We collected some in a little place 
in the churchyard, and lay therein like pigs in the 
straw. But when it rained, we ran into the school; 
and when there was a thunder-storm, we sang re- 
sponses and other songs with the sub-cantor almost 
the whole night. 

Occasionally in summer we went after supper to the 
beer-hall to beg for beer. Then the drunken Polish 
peasants gave us so much, that I have often unawares 
become so drunk that I could not return to the school 
again, though I was only a stoneVthrow away from the 
school. To sum up, there was enough to eat, but one 
did not study much. 

In the school of St. Elizabeth, indeed, at one time, 
nine Baccalaureates read at the same hour, in the 
same room. The Greek language was not yet any- 



THE SCHOOL-BOY 105 

where in the land. Similarly, no one yet had printed 
books; the preceptor alone had a printed Terence. 
What one read must first be dictated, then defined, 
then construed, and then only could he explain it; so 
that the bacchants had to carry home great, miserable 
books when they went away. 

Thence eight of us betook ourselves to Dresden; it 
happened again that we suffered much hunger. Then 
we determined to separate for a day. Some went to 
look after geese, some after turnips and onions, and 
one after a pot; but we little ones went into the city of 
Neumarkt, which was not far from there on the road, 
and were to look after bread and salt, and in the 
evening we were to come together again outside the 
city. We intended to set up our camp there outside 
the city, and cook what we might have then. A gun- 
shot distance from the city there was a spring, where 
we wished to remain for the night. But when those in 
the city saw the fire, they shot at us, yet did not hit 
us. Then we betook ourselves behind a ridge to a 
little brook and thicket; the older comrades cut down 
branches, and made a hut; one part plucked the geese, 
of which we had two; others cut up the turnips into 
the pot, into which we put the head, feet and even the 
entrails; others made two wooden spits and began to 
roast; and when it was a little brown we cut off pieces 
and ate ; so also of the turnips. In the night we 
heard something flapping; there was near us a weir, 



106 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

from which the water had been let off the day before, 
and the fish were springing up in the mud. Then we 
took as many fish as we could carry in a shirt on a 
stick, and went to a village; there we gave a peasant 
some fish, so that he would cook the others for us in 
beer. 

When we had again returned to Dresden, the school- 
master and our bacchants sent some of us boys out to 
find some geese. Then we agreed that I should throw 
and kill the geese, and they would take them and carry 
them away. Later, when we had found a flock of 
geese, and they had observed us, they flew away. Then 
I took a little cudgel, threw it among them in the air ; 
I injured one so that it fell down. But when my 
companions saw the goose-herd, they dared not run up 
to it, though they could have reached it before the 
herder. Then the others flew down again, surrounded 
the goose, cackled as if to encourage it. Then it 
stood up again, and went away with the others. I was 
much displeased with my companions, that they had 
not fulfilled their promise. But they did better there- 
after; for we brought away two geese. The bacchants 
and the school-master ate the geese as a farewell, 
and went from there to Nuremberg, and thence to 
Munich. 

On the way, not far from Dresden, it happened that 
I went to beg in a little village, and came before a 
peasant's house. The peasant asked me whence I 



THE SCHOOL-BOY 107 

came. When he heard that I was Swiss, he asked if 
I did not have any more companions. I replied : " My 
companions wait for me outside the village." He said : 
" Call them here." He prepared for us a good meal, 
with plenty of beer to drink. There lay his mother 
in bed in the room. Then the son said to her: 
"Mother, I have often heard you say that you would 
like to see a Swiss before your death. Then you see 
several, for I have invited them, to please you." Then 
the mother raised herself up, thanked the son for the 
guests, and said : " I have heard so much good of the 
Swiss, that I have very much desired to see one. Now 
I think I will die more willingly; therefore be merry." 
And then she lay down again. We thanked the peas- 
ant, and went on again. 

When we came to Munich, it was so late that we 
could not enter the city, but had to remain overnight 
in the leper-house. When in the morning we came to 
the gate, they would not let us in unless there was a 
burgher in the city whom we knew. But my cousin 
Paul had been in Munich before. He was allowed to 
fetch the one with whom he had lodged. He came, and 
spoke well of us, so that they let us in. 

Then Paul and I came to a soap-boiler by the name 
of Hans Schrell. He was a Master of Arts, of Vienna, 
but was an enemy of the Church. He married a beau- 
tiful girl, and many years later he came with his wife 
from Vienna to Basel, and here also carried on his 



108 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

trade, as is still known here to many people. For this 
master I helped to make soap more than I went to the 
school, and went with him into the villages to buy ashes. 
But Paul went to the school in the parish " Our Lady," 
and I also, but seldom. I went merely that I could 
sing for bread on the streets and give it to my bacchant, 
Paul; that is, carry food to him. The woman in the 
house loved me very much, for she had an old black, blind 
dog which had no teeth, which I had to feed, put to 
bed, and lead around in the yard. She said all the 
time: "Tommy, take the very best care of my dog; 
you shall then be rewarded." 

When we were there some time, Paul was enamoured 
of the maiden of the family. This the master would 
not allow. At last, Paul determined that we would go 
home once more, for we had not been home in five 
years. 

So we went home to Valais. There my friends 
could hardly understand me, and said : " Our Tommy 
speaks so profoundly, that almost no one can under- 
stand him." For, because I was young, I had learned 
something of almost every speech where I had been 
some time. During this time my mother had once 
more married, for Heintzmann, "am Grund," was 
dead. After the period of mourning she had married 
one called Thomas, " am Garsteren." On this account 
I did not have much of a visit with her. I was for 
the most part with my aunts, and most of all with 



THE SCHOOL-BOY 109 

my cousin, Simon Summermatter, and my aunt, 
Frances. 

Soon thereafter we set out again, towards Ulm; 
then Paul took yet another boy, who was called Hilde- 
brand Kalbermatter, the son of a priest. He also was 
very young. They gave him cloth, such as is used in 
that country, for a little coat. 

When we came to Ulm, Paul told me to go around 
with the cloth to beg for money for the making of it. 
By this I received much money, for I was accustomed 
to pleasant manners and begging. For this the bac- 
chants used me continually, though they brought me 
not at all to the schools, and had not even taught me 
to read. While I so seldom went into the school, and 
always, while I should have gone, went around with the 
cloth, I had the greatest hunger. For all that I re- 
ceived I brought to the bacchants. I would not have 
eaten the smallest morsel, for I feared a beating. 
Paul had taken another bacchant to live with him, 
called Achacius, from Mainz. I and my companion 
Hildebrand had to serve them both. But my com- 
panion ate almost all; then they went on the street 
after him, so that they might find him eating; or they 
commanded him to wash out his mouth with water, and 
to spit in a dish with water, so that they saw whether 
he had eaten anything. Then they threw him on the 
bed, and a pillow over his head, so that he could not 
scream; then both bacchants beat him terribly, until 



110 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

they could no more. Thereafter I was so terrified 
that I brought home everything; they often had so 
much bread that it became mouldy. They then cut 
off the mouldy outside, and gave it to us to eat. While 
there I often had the greatest hunger, and was fear- 
fully frost-bitten too, because I often went about in 
the dark till midnight to sing for bread. Here I must 
not overlook, but must relate, how at Ulm there was a 
pious widow, who had two grown-up daughters, yet 
unmarried, also a son, called Paul Eeling, also yet 
unmarried. Often in winter this widow wrapped my 
feet up in warm fur, which she had laid behind the 
stove, so that she could warm my feet when I came, 
and gave me a dish of vegetables and then allowed 
me to go home. I have had such hunger that I drove 
the dogs on the street from their bones, and then 
gnawed them. I have also searched at school for 
the bread-crumbs in the cracks on the floor and eaten 
them. 

Thereafter we again went to Munich, where I had to 
also beg for money for making up the cloth, which, how- 
ever, was not mine. After a year we came once more 
to Ulm, intending once more to go home. Once more 
I brought the cloth with me and begged for money 
for making it up. I can well remember there, that 
several said to me : " Odds, torment, is the coat not yet 
made up? I believe that you are deceiving me with 
tricks." When we went from there, I do not know 



THE SCHOOL-BOY 111 

what became of the cloth, nor whether the coat was 
ever made up or not. 

Once more we came home, and from there again to 
Munich. When we came to Munich, on a Sunday, 
the bacchants had lodging, but we three little shooters 
had none; when it was night we intended to go in 
"die Schrane" — that is, the corn-market — to lie on 
the corn-sacks. There sat several women by the salt- 
house in the street, who asked us where we were going. 
And when they heard that we had no lodging, there 
was a butcher's widow with them. When she heard 
that we were Swiss, she said to her house-maid : " Eun, 
hang the kettle with soup and meat that is left over 
the fire; they must remain with me for the night, for 
I am friendly with all the Swiss. I served in an inn in 
Innsbruck, where Emperor Maximilian held court; 
there the Swiss had much to do with him, and were so 
friendly that I will be friendly to them all my life 
long." She gave us enough to eat and drink and a good 
place to sleep. In the morning she said to us : " If one 
of you will remain with me, I will lodge him and give 
him to eat and to drink." We were all willing, and 
asked which she would have; and as she inspected us, 
I was more pert than the others. I had had more ex- 
perience than the others. Then she took me, and I 
had nothing to do except to fetch the beer, and te> fetch 
the hides and the meat out of the butcher-shop; also 
to go with her in the fields; but I still had to wait on 



112 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

the bacchants. This did not please the woman, and 
she said to me: "Odds, torment, leave the bacchants 
alone and stay with me ; then you do not need to beg." 
Then for eight days I came neither to the bacchants 
or to the school. Then Paul came and knocked on the 
butcher's door. Then she said to me : " Your bacchant 
is there. Say you are sick ! " Then she let him in and 
said to him: "You are truly a fine gentleman, and 
should have inquired how Thomas was ! He has been 
sick, and is yet." He said: "I am very sorry, boy! 
When you get out again, then come to me." 

Afterward, on a Sunday, I went to Vespers, and he 
said to me after Vespers : " You shooter, if you do not 
come to me, I will trample on you with my feet some 
day." Then I determined that he should not oppress 
me any more; I thought I would run away. 

On Monday I said to the butcher's widow : " I want 
to go to the school to wash my shirt." I dared not 
say what was in my mind, for I feared that she would 
tell on me. I went away from Munich with sorrowful 
heart, partly because I was running away from my 
cousin, with whom I had travelled so far, but who had 
been so severe and unmerciful towards me; partly, 
also, I regretted on account of the butcher's widow, 
who had kept me so kindly. I withdrew, however, over 
the Iser; for I feared if I went towards Switzerland 
that Paul would follow me; for he had often threat- 
ened me and the others if one of us ran away, that he 



THE SCHOOL-BOY 113 

would follow him, and whenever he found him, would 
beat him till both arms and legs were off. 

On the other side of the Iser is a hill. There I sat 
down, looked at the city, and wept bitterly, that I no 
longer had any one who would help me. I thought of 
going to Salzburg, or to Vienna, in Austria. As I sat 
there, there came a peasant with a wagon; he had 
brought salt to Munich, and was already drunk, and yet 
the sun had just risen. Then I asked him to allow 
me to get in. I rode with him until he unharnessed 
in order to feed himself and the horses. Meanwhile 
I begged in the village, and not far from the village 
waited for him and went to sleep. When I awoke, I 
cried heartily, for I thought that the peasant had 
driven by. I felt as though I had lost my father. 
However, he soon came, but was drunk; told me 
again to get in, and asked me where I was going. I 
said: " To Salzburg! " Now, when it was evening, he 
drove from the road, and said : " Jump down, there is 
the road to Salzburg/' We had driven eight miles 
that day. I came to a village. 

When I rose up in the morning, a frost had fallen, 
as though it had snowed ; and I had no shoes, only torn 
stockings, no cap, and a little jacket without folds. 

Then I went to Passow, and wished to sail on the 
Danube to Vienna. When I came to Passow they 
would not let me in. Then I thought that I would go 
to Switzerland, and asked the gate-keeper where I 



114 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

should go for the nearest road to Switzerland. He 
said: "To Munich" I said: "I will not go to Mu- 
nich; I would rather go around ten or more miles 
farther." Then he directed me to Friesing; there also 
is a high school. 

There I found Swiss, who asked me whence I 
came. In two or three days, Paul came with a hal- 
berd. The shooters said to me: "Your bacchant is 
here from Munich, and seeks you." Then I ran out 
of the gate as if he had been behind me, and went to 
Ulm, and came to my saddler's widow who had for- 
merly warmed my feet in the fur. She received me. 
For her I was to guard the turnips in the field. That 
I did instead of going to school. After some weeks, 
one came to me who had been a companion of Paul's, 
and said : " Your cousin Paul is here, and seeks you." 
Then he had followed me eighteen miles; for he had 
lost a good living in me, for I had supported him for 
several years. When, however, I heard this, though it 
was almost night, I ran out of the gate towards Con- 
stance, and wept once more heartily; for I regretted 
very much on account of the good woman. 

When I had almost reached Marsburg, I came to a 
stone-mason who was a Turgauer. A young peasant 
met us. The mason said to me : " The peasant must 
give us money." And said to him : " Peasant, give 
us gold or, odds, crack ! " The peasant was terrified ; 
I also was very much terrified, and wished that I was 



THE SCHOOL-BOY 115 

not there. The peasant began to pnll ont his pnrse. 
The mason said : " Be quiet, I have only joked." Then 
I came over the sea to Constance. Then I went over 
the bridge, and saw some Swiss peasant children in 
white jackets. Ah, my God, how happy I was. I 
thought I was in heaven. 

I came to Zurich; there were people from St. Grail, 
great bacchants; to them I offered myself, as their 
servant, if they would teach me; but they did this as 
the others also had done. At that time the Cardinal 
was also in Zurich. He was trying to gain influence 
over the Zurichers, that they would go with him to the 
Pope, but, as it turned out afterward, he cared more 
for Milan. After some months Paul sent his shooter, 
Hildebrand, from Munich, saying that if I would come 
back, he would forgive me. But I would not, but re- 
mained in Zurich; but I did not study. 

There was one, called Antony Benetz, from Visp, 
in Valais, who persuaded me that we should go with 
one another to Strassburg. When we came to Strass- 
burg, there were very many poor scholars there and, 
as was said, not one good school. But at Schlettstadt 
was a very good school. We went on the way to 
Schlettstadt. A nobleman met us and asked : " Where 
are you going?" When he heard that we wanted to 
go to Schlettstadt, he dissuaded us, that there were 
there very many poor scholars and no rich people. 
Then my companion began to weep bitterly. " Where 



116 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

now can we go ? " I comforted him and said : " Be of 
good courage ! If there is one in Schlettstadt who can 
support himself alone, then will I support both of us." 
When we were about a mile from Schlettstadt, and 
were stopping at a village, I became sick so that I 
thought that I must choke, and could scarcely get any 
breath. I had eaten many green nuts, for they fell 
about this time. Then my companion wept once more, 
because he thought he would lose his companion. For 
he knew not how to take care of himself; yet he had 
ten crowns hidden about him, but I had not one heller. 

Now, we were come to the city, and found lodging 
with an aged couple; and the man was stone blind. 
Then we went to my dear preceptor, now deceased, 
Mr. John Sapidus, and asked him to receive us. He 
asked us whence we came. When we said, " From 
Switzerland, from Valais," he said: "There, alas, are 
wicked peasants ; they drive their bishops out of the 
land. If you will study bravely, you need not give me 
anything; if not, then you must pay me or I will pull 
your coat from your back." That was the first school 
where it seemed to me that things went properly. 

At that time the studies and languages came into 
vogue. It was in the year in which the Diet of Worms 
was held. Sapidus had at one time 900 pupils, some 
fine learned fellows. There were there at that time 
Dr. Hieronymus Gemaisaus, Dr. John Huber, and 
many others, who afterward became doctors and famous 
men. 



CHAPTER IV 

AT LAST A STUDENT IN SCHLETTSTADT, AND A 
VISIT HOME 

When I entered the school, I could do nothing; not 
even read Donatus. I was then already eighteen years 
old. I seated myself among the little children. It was 
quite like a hen among the little chickens. One day 
Sapidus read the names of his pupils, and said: "I 
have many harharous names ; sometime I must latinize 
them a little bit." Afterward he read them again; 
then he had written mine, at first, Thomas Platter, 
then my companion, Antoninus Benetz. He had trans- 
lated them * Thomas Platerus, Antonius Benetus, and 
said: "Who are you two?" When we stood up, he 
said : " Pf augh, you are two such mangy, raw shooters, 
and have such beautiful names ! " And it was even 
true in part. Especially my companion was so mangy 
that many mornings I must pull off the linen cloth 
from his body as one would the hide from a goat. But 
I was more accustomed to the foreign air and food. 

When we had been there from autumn till Whitsun- 

* A common custom at the period of the renaissance ; for exam- 
ple, Erasmus from Gerardi, and Melancthon from Swartzerd. 

117 



118 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

tide, and yet more students came in from all quarters, 
I could no longer support us both well; then we went 
away to Solothurn. There was quite a good school, 
and also better living. But one must so very fre- 
quently attend church, and lose so much time, that 
we went home. 

I remained at home a little while, and went to the 
master in the school, who taught me a little writing, 
and other things I know not what more. There I had 
the chills and fever, while I was in Grenchen with my 
aunt, Frances. During this time I taught my aunt's 
little boy, who was called Simon Steiner, the a, b, c's 
in a day. More than a year later he came to me in 
Zurich; he studied by degrees until he came to Strass- 
burg; he became Dr. Bucer's assistant; he studied so 
that he became preceptor of the third class and after- 
ward of the second class. He was married twice. 
When he died, there was the greatest mourning in the 
school at Strassburg. 

In the following spring I left with my two brothers 
for foreign lands. When we would take leave from our 
mother, she wept and said : " May God have mercy 
on me, that I must see three sons go to a foreign 
land/' Except then, I never saw my mother cry, for 
she was a brave, courageous woman, though somewhat 
rough. When her third husband also died, she re- 
mained a widow, and did all the work like a man in 
order that the youngest children could be the better 



A STUDENT IN SCHLETTSTADT 119 

brought up. She hewed wood, thrashed grain, and did 
other work which belongs more to men than to women. 
She also buried three of these children herself, when 
they died in the time of a very great pestilence. For 
in the time of the pestilence it cost a great deal to 
have one buried by the grave-diggers. Towards us, 
the first children, she was very rough, so that we 
seldom came into the house. At one time I had not 
been home, as I remember, for five years, and had 
travelled far in distant lands. But when I came to 
her, the first words that she said to me were : " Has 
the devil once more brought you here ? " I answered : 
" Oh, no, mother, the devil has not brought me here, 
but my feet; but I will not long be troublesome to 
you." She said: "You are not troublesome to me, 
but it grieves me much that you go wandering here 
and there, and without doubt learning nothing. Learn 
to work, as your father also did ! You will become no 
priest. I am not so fortunate that I should bring up 
a priest." So I remained two or three days with her. 
One morning a great frost had fallen on the grapes 
as one was picking them. Therefore, I picked and ate 
of the frozen grapes, so that I had the gripes; so that 
I was stretched out on all fours, thinking that I must 
burst in pieces. Then she stood before me and said: 
" If you wish to, then burst : Why have you eaten so 
much?" Many other examples of her coarseness I can 
recall. Otherwise she was a respectable, honest, and 



120 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

pious woman; that every one had said of her and 
praised her. 

When now I went away with my two brothers, and 
went over the Letschen mountains towards Gastren, 
my two brothers sat down on the slope of the snow 
and slid down the mountain. I also wished to do this, 
and as I did not quickly put my feet apart, the snow 
threw me over, so that I fell down the mountain, head 
over heels. It would have been no wonder if I had 
slid to my death, by striking my head on a tree, for 
there were no rocks. This happened to me three times, 
so that I shot down the comb of the ridge head fore- 
most and the snow fell in heaps on my face; for I 
always thought that I should be able to do it as well 
as my brothers, but they were more accustomed to the 
mountains than I. 



CHAPTEE V 
IN ZURICH— STUDY OR DIE— FATHER MYCONIUS 

So we travelled together from there on, and they 
remained in Entlibuch; but I went on to Zurich. 
There I was with the mother of the famous, pious, and 
learned man, Rudolph Gualther, who is now the pastor 
of St. Peter's, in Zurich; at that time he lay in the 
cradle, so that I have often rocked him. And I at- 
tended the school in Our Lady's Cathedral. There 
was there a school-master, called Master Wolfgang 
Knowell, from Barr, near Zug, was a Master of Arts 
from Paris, who had been called at Paris Gran Dia- 
bell. He was a great, honest man, but did not take 
much care of the school; he looked more where the 
beautiful maidens were, from whom he could scarcely 
keep away. I should have liked to study, for I per- 
ceived that it was time. 

At that time they said that there would come a 
school-master from Einsiedeln, who before this had 
been in Luzern, who was a learned man and a good 
school-master, but cruelly whimsical. So I made for 
myself a seat in a corner not far from the school- 
master's chair, and thought : " In this corner you will 
10 121 



122 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

study or die/' Now, when he came and entered upon 
his work (he went in to the school of Our Lady's 
Cathedral), he said: "This is a nice school" — for it 
was built only a short time before—" but methinks 
there are stupid boys, but we shall see ; only apply your- 
self with industry/' This I know — that had my life de- 
pended upon it, I could not have declined a noun of 
the first declension. Yet I knew Donat * by heart to a 
dot. When I was in Schlettstadt, Sapidus had a bach- 
elor, called Georgius "ab Andlow," unmarried, a very 
learned fellow, who worried the bacchants so grievously 
with Donat, that I thought: "If this is such a good 
book, then I will learn it by heart." And when I 
learned to read it, I learned it also by heart. This was 
fortunate for me with the good Father Myconius. For, 
when he began, he read Terence with us ; then we were 
compelled to decline and conjugate all the words of the 
entire comedy. Then it was that he often laboured 
with me so that my clothing became wet with per- 
spiration, yes, even my eyesight dim, and yet he gave 
me no beating, only once with the back of the hand 
on the cheek. He also lectured upon the Holy Script- 
ures; so that many of the laity attended these lect- 
ures. For it was just in the beginning of the time 
that the light of the Holy Scriptures was beginning to 
arise and there yet remained for a long time the mass 
and the images in the churches. 

* The Latin grammar of Donatus. 



STUDY OR DIE 123 

When he was rough with me, then he took me to his 
home and gave me to eat; for he liked to have me 
relate how I had travelled through all the countries 
of Germany, and how I had fared everywhere, for at 
that time I remembered it well. 



CHAPTEE VI 
ZWINGLI AND THE REFORMATION PERIOD 

Myconius was at that time already acquainted with 
the true religion ; yet he must go with his pupils to the 
church of Our Lady's Cathedral to sing the vesper, 
matins, and masses, and to direct the singing. One day 
he said to me : " Custos " — for I was his Custos — " I 
would much rather read four lectures than to sing a 
mass. Please take my place occasionally, when there 
is a candle mass, as a requiem and the like, to be sung ; 
I will reward you for it." That pleased me much; for 
I had become accustomed to this not only in Zurich 
but also in Solothurn and elsewhere. For everything 
was yet popish. There were many to be found, who 
could chatter better than they could expound the gos- 
pels. It was to be seen daily in the schools how wild 
bacchants went to the consecration, and were ordained, 
if they could only sing a little, without either power of 
interpretation or grammar. 

When, now, I was Custos, I often had no wood for 
heating; then I noted what laity came to the school 
and had a wood-pile before their door, so that at mid- 
night I have gone here and there to carry wood. One 
124 



THE REFORMATION PERIOD 125 

morning I had no wood and Zwingli was to preach 
before day in Our Lady's Cathedral, and when they 
were ringing for the service I thought: "You have 
no wood, and there are so many idols in the church." 
And while yet no one was there, I went into the church 
to the nearest altar, seized a St. John and took it into 
the school to the stove. And said to him: "Johnny, 
now bend yourself, for you must into the stove, even 
though you may be St. John." When he began to 
burn, there were great evil blisters out of the oil colors. 
I thought : " Now hold still ; should you stir yourself, 
which however you will not do, then I will shut the 
stove door; then you dare not come out, unless the 
devil carry you out." Meanwhile the wife of Myco- 
nius came, since she wished to go to the preaching in 
the church, for one went close by the door. She said : 
" God give you a good morning, my child. Have you 
built a fire ? " I shut the stove door and said : " Yes, 
I already have a fire." For I would not yet tell it to 
her; she could have gossipped about it; if it had become 
known, it would at that time have cost me my life. 
During the lecture, Myconius said : " Custos, you have 
surely had wood to-day." I thought " St. John has 
done his best." When we were about to sing the mass, 
two priests quarrelled with one another. The one to 
whom the St, John belonged said to the other : " You 
Lutheran knave, you have stolen my St. John." This 
they continued for a good while. Myconius knew not 



126 AUTOBIOGKAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

what it was. But St. John was never found again. 
I told this to no man, until after some years, after 
Myconius had become the preacher in Basel. He him- 
self had wondered concerning it, and remembered how 
the priests had quarrelled with one another. 

And although it appeared to me that popery was 
knavery, I had it yet in mind, that I would become a 
priest, would be pious, would attend to my office faith- 
fully and would adorn my altar finely. But when 
Master Ulrich preached against it so strongly, the 
longer I doubted, the more I doubted. I prayed more, 
fasted more, than was agreeable to me. I had also my 
saints and patrons, to whom I prayed; to each one in 
particular so much; to Our Lady, that she would be 
intercessor for me with her son; St. Catherine, that 
she would help me that I might become learned; St. 
Barbara, that I might not die without the sacrament; 
St. Peter, that he would open the heavens for me. And 
what I neglected, I wrote in a little book. When there 
was a holiday in the school, for example, on Thursday 
and Saturday, I went to the Cathedral, wrote all my 
offences on a chair, and began and atoned for one fault 
after another, then wiped it away and thought that I 
had done all right. I went six times on a pilgrimage 
from Zurich to Einseideln, and was diligent in confes- 
sion. But in Silesia I unwittingly ate cheese during 
Lent, as is the custom in our country. Then I con- 
fessed it, but the priest would not absolve me, unless 



THE REFORMATION PERIOD 127 

I would do public penance. Then I thought that I 
must become the deviPs own. But as I mourned that 
I dare not go with the other scholars to the Sacrament 
(one always gave them something to eat when they 
went to the Sacrament — each burgher always some- 
thing), then a priest pitied me, and when he heard 
what troubled me, he absolved me and I went then 
also to the meal. I often battled for the papacy with 
my companions until one day M. Ulrich, at the Salnow 
Church consecration, at Salnow, preached in the court- 
yard, from the Gospel of St. John, Chapter X : " I am 
the good shepherd, etc." He expounded this so power- 
fully, that I felt as if one drew me up by the hair; he 
also pointed out how God would require the blood of the 
lost sheep from the hands of the shepherds, who were 
guilty of their destruction. Then I thought, if that 
is the meaning, then farewell to the priest's office; I 
will never become a priest. Yet I carried on my studies, 
began thereupon to dispute again with my companions, 
and went faithfully to the sermons. I heard my pre- 
ceptor, Myconius, very willingly. Yet they still had 
masses and images at Zurich. 

At that time six of us went home to Valais, and 
when we came, on a Saturday, to Glyss, we heard the 
priests singing vespers. After vespers, one came and 
asked : " From where do you come ?" I was the boldest 
and answered : " From Zurich." Then the priest said : 
" What have you done in that heretical city ? " Then 



128 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

I was angry. " Why a heretical city ? " He answered : 
" For this reason, that they have done away with the 
mass, and have taken the images out of the churches." 
Then I answered : " That is not so, for they celebrate 
the mass there, and have also images yet ; why then are 
they heretics?" "Because," he said, "they do not 
consider the pope as the head of the Christian Church, 
and do not call upon the saints." I asked : " Why is the 
pope the head of the Christian Church ? " " For this 
reason, that St. Peter was the pope at Eome, and has 
there given the papacy over to his successors." I said : 
" St. Peter has never once been in Rome," and drew 
my Testament out of my little sack and showed him 
how in the Epistle to the Romans, St. Paul sends 
greetings to so many, and does not think of mention- 
ing St. Peter, who, according to his own speech, was 
yet above them all. He said : " How could it be true 
then that Christ met St. Peter before Rome, and had 
asked him where he would go, and Peter had answered : 
6 To Rome, to allow myself to be crucified/ " I asked 
him : " Where have you read this." He answered : " I 
have often heard it from my grandmother." I said: 
" So I perceive, truly, that your grandmother is your 
Bible." " Because," he said, " it stands written ; God 
is wonderful in his works." Then I stooped down, 
broke off a little plant, and said: "If all the world 
worked together, they could not make a little plant 
like this." Then he became angry, and our dispute 



THE REFORMATION PERIOD 129 

ended. Then we had to go on for more than an hour 
in the night. 

On Sunday morning we came to Visp. There a 
lazy, ignorant priest was about to celebrate his first mass. 
Therefore many priests and scholars came thither and 
also a great number of others. We students helped the 
priests to sing the mass. Then one, who was said to 
be the most famous preacher, preached out through 
the window. Among other things, he said to the young 
priest : " Oh, thou noble knight, thou holy knight, thou 
art holier than the Mother of God herself. For she 
bore Christ only once, but you will from now hence- 
forth bear him every day your life long." Then one 
in the gallery said out loud : " Priest, thou liest like 
a knave." He was from Sitten; a Master of Arts 
from Basel. The priests all looked at me, and I knew 
not why, until I saw the priest, with whom I had dis- 
puted the day before. He had complained of me to 
the other priests. When now the mass was over, they 
asked all the priests and students to dinner, but no 
one invited me. No one can believe how happy I was 
then, and how willingly I would have fasted for Christ. 
But when my mother saw me, for she had seen me in the 
gallery, she asked : " How does it come that no one 
has invited you?" Then she cut cheese and bread 
in a dish, and busied herself with a soup for me. 

A few days thereafter I came to the priest, who had 
preached so prettily; for he was in the village where 



130 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

my mother was also. He invited me as a guest. Among 
other things, he said : cc If I were with Zwingli I would 
controvert him with three words." When I came again 
to Zurich, I told it, at the request of my preceptor, 
Myconius, to Zwingli. He laughed, and said: "When 
you go home again, then ask that he write the three 
words for me." After about two years, I came again, 
and then informed him of Zwinglfs desire, that he 
should write for him the three words, and others. 
He did it. But when I brought them to Zwingli, and 
he read it, he laughed a little while. When he had 
finished reading, he said : " Oh, fool, he is indeed a 
poor man! Take the letter to Myconius." Then I 
called all my countrymen together and read the letter. 
There was nothing therein except from the Decretals. 

Once when I was home with my uncle, mother's 
brother, who at that time was " Castellan " — that is 
the head man of the Visper district — I said to him 
after supper: "Uncle, I will start out again in the 
morning." He said: "Whither?" I said: "To 
Zurich." "Do not do that at your peril," he said, 
"for the confederates will invade it, and have sent 
messengers from all places, called upon the people, to 
draw together there; they would teach them, to give 
up their heretic faith." I said : " And is no one here 
from Zurich ? " He said : " There is a messenger here 
with a letter." I said: "Has any one read the letter 
before the messengers and the people ? " He answers : 



THE REFORMATION PERIOD 131 

" Yes." " And what did the letter contain? " I asked. 
Then he said: "In the letter is the declaration, that 
they have accepted a doctrine; by it they will abide; 
but that if anyone can convince them of another out 
of the Old or New Testament, then will they give it up." 
I said : " But is this not right ? " Then he said, with 
emphatic words : " The devil take them with their 
New Testament." I was horrified, and said : " Oh, God, 
how you speak. It is no wonder, if God should punish 
you in body and soul, for what is the New Testament ? " 
He said : " It is their new heretic doctrine, the deputies 
have so informed us, especially from Bern." There- 
upon I said: "The New Testament is the new cov- 
enant, which Christ established with the faithful, and 
sealed with his blood; that is written in the four 
gospels and the epistles of the holy Apostles." He 
said : " Is that so ? " I replied : " Yes ; and if you are 
willing, I will go with you to-morrow to Visp, and if 
they will let me speak publicly, I will neither be 
ashamed nor afraid concerning this." Then he said: 
"If it is thus, then I will not be for this, that they 
shall go against them." 

On the following day the people assembled them- 
selves together, and determined upon this answer: 
This affair was a religious matter, and because the 
Zurichers desired to be instructed in the Scriptures, 
they would let the priests and the learned men settle 
it among themselves. 



132 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

So nothing came of it, and I went again to Zurich, 
and continued in my studies in the greatest poverty. 
For they did not yet give public alms, and I was now 
quite large, and was ashamed to sing; the people also 
cried out to me, calling me a priest, and other words. 
Then I had a companion, who was not without quali- 
fication, who became dispenser at Uri. I followed 
him. Then things went worse than before. When I 
sang for bread there, they were not accustomed to it. I 
had the voice of a bacchant. I was not a month there, 
and I desired to go again to Zurich. Then I had not 
more than three hellers. I came to the Urner Lake and 
I went into an inn at Fluelen, a little village on the 
lake. I asked the innkeeper if she would give me a 
piece of bread for three hellers. She gave me a large 
piece of cold boiled meat, and a large piece of bread, 
and would not take the three hellers either. Then 
I went to the lake ; there came a little boat from 
Brunnen, which is a little village on the lake, in the 
Swiss province. I asked the boatman if he would 
ferry me over the lake, for God's sake, because he must 
otherwise go home empty. He said: "I will get my 
breakfast; wait here, then I will carry you over." At 
that time there was also a man at the warehouse, 
whither they brought the merchandise. He said: 
" Comrade, I have there some barrels of Veltliner 
wine; guard this for me; then you can drink as much 
as you like; but permit none else there." He gave 



THE REFORMATION PERIOD 13S 

me a little reed and led me to the casks, and then went 
to eat. Then I ate the large piece of oread and meat 
and drank enough of the wine. I did not know the 
kind of the wine. Then the man came, and said: 
"Have you cared for it well?" I replied: "Yes." 
Soon the hoatman came, and said: "Well, come on, 
comrade, do you wish to cross the lake?" Then I 
staggered down to the boat, and the people laughed at 
me. When I tried to step into the boat, I stepped 
beside it, and fell headlong into it. The boat- 
man laughed, and he to whom the wine belonged 
said that the boatman had freighted himself with a 
good companion. But the wine went out of my head, 
you may believe me, for there came on such a storm 
that even the boatman thought that we must be 
drowned. The waves often covered the whole boat, 
and this continued until we came to the shore at Brun- 
nen; then we were both wet as water. Except this 
time I have never again crossed over the Urner Lake, 
though often over the Lake of Lucerne; only when I 
wished once more to go from Basel have I crossed 
over, as will hereafter be related in its place. 

I came then again to Zurich, where I boarded with 
an old woman, called Adelheid Hutmacherin. She 
commonly had five or six wenches in the house, who 
had companions, who supported them. And though 
their evil conduct did not please me, yet I had a good 
companion who was tolerably apt, and had a little 



134 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

room to myself; we left the others undisturbed in 
their ways. Though God knows that I have often had 
the greatest hunger, many days no mouthful of bread 
to eat; more than once have I put water in a pan, 
asked the woman for a little salt, salted the water, 
and drunk it from hunger. I had to give the woman a 
Zurich shilling each week for room rent. Then I 
sometimes carried messages for the people over the 
country; they gave me a batz for each mile. With 
this I then paid the woman. Also I helped to carry 
wood or other things; then the people gave me some- 
thing to eat. Then I was pleased, and well satisfied. 
I was also Custos. For this I received every quarterly 
.fast a Zurich angster* from each boy. There were 
about sixty boys, rather more than less. Zwingli, 
Myconius, and others have also often used me to send 
me with letters to the five places f that were lovers of 
the truth, in which journeys I have often risked life 
and limb with joy, in order that I might spread abroad 
the teachings of the truth. Several times I have 
barely escaped. 

About this time was the disputation at Baden, where 
Doctors Eck, Faber, Murner, and others who were 
there, suppressed the truth, as they often before had 
done, and continued even till the end. Then Zwingli 
also was to go thither (on account of whom the matter 

* About one cent. 

f Luzern, Zug, Sclrwyz, Uri, and Unterwalden. 



THE REFORMATION PERIOD 135 

was so planned that he was to be condemned thereby), 
as thus became evident. Therefore the people of Zu- 
rich did not wish him to go to the disputation. For 
the Pensionaires* thought, if Zwingli was no more 
there, then would the people of Zurich be easily per- 
suaded, that they also should be French, and there 
would be so many the more of them who would serve 
the King, for there were yet in the city very many, 
who were good Frenchmen, who would have been wil- 
ling that Zwingli should be burned. As then it was 
clearly shown that they would murder him in the night, 
when he was called out of the house to visit a rich 
person, and when he would not go, had thrown at him 
with stones through the window, as thereof it might 
be well to write. Another time 500 crowns had been 
promised if he was brought alive, or 400 crowns if a 
certain sign that he had been killed. A party of three 
sought for him with the feet of their horses muffled 
with felt. One of these had spied out where Zwingli 
would eat as a guest, and then sought to wait on him 
then, and has planned to stuff a gag in his mouth and 
carry him away. Therefore he had often been in 
danger of his life in the city of Zurich. But God 
has guarded him that he should not be murdered, but 
in open battle, as a shepherd perishes with his sheep, 
as he had prophesied this of himself, that I could testify 
to with some who are yet living. 

* By the French king. 



136 AUTOBIOGRAPHY Otf THOMAS PLATTER 

Though now they would not allow Zwingli to attend 
the disputation, yet the entire disputation was con- 
ducted through him, namely thus, that Ocolampadius, 
who disputed against Eck for the most part, should 
let him know always what happened in the disputa- 
tion. There was a young fellow from Valais, Hier- 
onymus Walschen, who was ordered that he act as if 
there for the baths, and so far as possible to write down 
everything of Eck's argument. He attended the en- 
tire disputation, carefully noted the arguments, then 
went back to the baths and wrote down everything; for 
none dared write in the church except the four sec- 
retaries, who were appointed for that purpose. For 
one dictated everything that was written, and it was 
forbidden, on penalty of life and limb, to write any- 
thing else whatever, anywhere during the disputation, 
or they were to be condemned without any further cer- 
emony — that is, one's head was to be cut off on the 
spot. Almost every day, I and another one, called 
Hieronymus Zimmerman, who was from Winterthur, 
carried the writings of the student Walschen, and of 
Dr. Ocolampadius, and of other friends to Zwingli, so 
that they might know in Zurich what was done in 
Baden. And when one asked me : " With what do you 
go around?" — for at all the gates were watchmen, 
with arms — then I said : " I carry fowls to sell." For 
in Zurich they gave me fowls, which I carried to the 
baths, and gave them to whom they told me. What my 



THE REFORMATION PERIOD 137 

companion said, I know not. But the watchmen won- 
dered where I so quickly obtained the fowls. 

It came to pass on the evening of Whitsuntide, that 
Eck desired to know when the disputation was to be 
finished, who then should judge, who should prevail. 
Thereupon Ocolampadius consulted with his brethren, 
what answer should be made to this. Would they 
agree on the next day that they would make answer to 
the arguments? For Eck thought the messengers who 
were present should then judge; they were almost all 
popish; and if one would not intrust them with this 
thing, then they would be angry. On the evening, just 
before supper, I went to Ocolampadius and asked 
whether he would not write to M. Ulrich. He answered : 
" I would willingly write, and it would be necessary, 
but I fear that you are under suspicion. If you have 
been to-day in the disputation, then you have probably 
heard whereto we should answer." I said : " That I 
will relate to him carefully by word of mouth." Then 
he was well pleased. I had just time to go out of the 
city gate, and ran almost uninterruptedly to Zurich. 
I went to the house of Myconius, who was already in 
bed, and showed to him what was at stake. Then he 
said : " Then go hence, and if M. Ulrich is in bed, do 
not cease to ring until they let you in." For I had 
thought that I need not announce it until the morn- 
ing. I began to ring ; everyone was in bed. I rang the 

bell so that the watchman, standing opposite, said: 
11 



138 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

" What devil is making such a noise ? " I said : " Cas- 
par, I am here." He recognised me by my voice, and 
knew well that I came very often to M. Ulrich, and 
said: "Custos, is it you?" — for almost every man called 
me Custos, because I had been Custos for so long a 
time at the Cathedral of Our Lady — "King again." 
After a long time, an old man, called Gervasius, came 
out. He had been a priest, and had been for some years 
with Zwingli. He asked me who I was. I said : " Mr. 
Gervasius, I am here." He let me in, and asked: 
"What do you want so late? Is it not possible that 
M. Ulrich be permitted to rest for one night? He has 
not in six weeks gone to bed — not so long as the dis- 
putation has lasted." And we knocked on the door a 
good while. He soon came out, when he heard that I 
was there, and rubbed his eyes. " Oh, you are a rest- 
less man. For six weeks I have not gone to bed, and 
had thought, because to-morrow is Whitsuntide, that 
one could rest." And he went into the room and said : 
"What do you bring?" I told him orally of the 
affairs, and why I had no letter. Then he said : " Odds, 
is it only that? Then Eck has worked one of his 
tricks. I will write. Do you know a boy who will 
return ? " I said : " Yes." Then he said : " If you will 
eat, I will call the maid, so she can cook you a supper." 
I replied: "I would much rather sleep," and wished 
him good-night. I sent to him a boy, to whom he gave 
the letter, and sent him on the way that night, and he 



THE REFORMATION PERIOD 139 

came before day to Baden. A man with a wagon full of 
hay had been delayed until late in the evening. The 
boy climbed up on the wagon, laid down on the hay, 
and went to sleep. In the morning he drove the load 
of hay in the city to the market before the boy awoke. 
Then he awakes, and looks around, sees the houses, 
and then brings the letter to Ocolampadius. But 
what Zwingli had written, I do not know exactly, but 
I can well imagine it from the words which he spoke 
to me in the room. Then he said: "Who will teach 
the peasants to understand who is right or not? They 
understand better the milking of cows. Why should 
one write down everything, if not that one should allow 
the reader to judge ? Does not Eck know how a coun- 
cil should be conducted?" 



CHAPTER VII 

THE STUDENT, TEACHER, AND ROPE-MAKER 

I remained thus in poverty in Zurich until Master 
Henry Werdnriiller accepted me as a teacher for his 
two sons. There I had my dinner every day. The one 
son, called Otto Werdnriiller, thereafter became a 
Master of Arts of Wittenberg, and the pastor of the 
church in Zurich; but the other was killed at Kappel. 
There I had no more want, but I almost overworked 
with study. I wished to study the Latin, Greek, and 
Hebrew languages at the time. Many a night I slept 
only a little, but struggled grievously against sleep. 
I have often taken cold water, raw turnips, or sand in 
my mouth in order that, if I fell asleep, I might be 
awakened by my teeth grating together. On this ac- 
count, also, my dear father, Myconius, has often warned 
me, and would say nothing to me, if I sometimes fell 
asleep even during the lecture. And though I could 
never arrange it, that I could take lectures in Latin, 
Greek, or Hebrew grammar, I read them with others, 
in order that I might improve myself. For Myconius, 
at first, only drilled us in frequent exercises in the 
Latin language; he himself did not understand Greek 

140 



STUDENT, TEACHER, AND ROPE-MAKER 141 

very well. For the Greek language was yet rare, and 
was only a little used. But privately, I compared 
Lncian and Homer in translations with the texts. It 
happened also that Father Myconius took me to live 
with him in his own house; he had several boarders, 
among whom was also Doctor Gesnerus, with whom I 
was to study Donatus and the declensions. This prac- 
tice was exceedingly good for me. At this time, Myco- 
nius had as assistant the learned gentleman Theodore 
Bibliandrus, who was extraordinarily well versed in all 
the languages; above all in the Hebrew language. He 
had written a Hebrew grammar. He also ate at the 
table of Myconius. I asked him to teach me to read the 
Hebrew. He did this so that I could read printing and 
writing. Then I arose every morning, built a fire in 
Myconius' s little apartment, sat before the stove and 
copied the grammar while he slept, so that he has never 
found it out. 

In this year Damien Irmi, of Basel, wrote to Pelli- 
canus in Zurich, asking if there were now any poor 
fellows who would like Hebrew bibles ; he was going to 
Venice, then he would bring some back as cheaply as 
possible. Dr. Pellicanus told him to bring twelve. 
When they were brought, they sold them for a crown. 
I had yet one crown from my father's estate, which 
I had received not long before. I gave it for one, and 
began to compare it. Then came one day a Mr. Con- 
rad Pur, a preacher at Matmanstetten in the Canton 



142 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

of Zurich. When he saw me with the Hebrew bible he 
asked: "Are you a Hebrew scholar? You must also 
teach me." I said : " I cannot." But he would not 
desist, until I promised him. I thought, " you are 
here with Myconius, and he might perhaps become dis- 
pleased." I went with him to Matmanstetten, began 
to read Dr. Minister's grammar, to compare the origi- 
nal text with translations and drilled myself. I had 
then also plenty of food and drink. I was there 
twenty-seven weeks with him. Then I came to Hedigen 
to Mr. Hans Weber, also a preacher, and was with him 
about ten weeks. After that I came to another pastor 
in Eiffelischwyl who was eighty years old, but desired 
even then to learn Hebrew. 

Then I came again to Zurich. And because I had 
often heard preached : " By the sweat of thy brow shalt 
thou eat bread," and how God had blessed labour, and 
how one made priests of all students and also M. 
Ulrich said, that one should teach boys to work, there 
were anyway many priests — many everywhere were 
giving up their studies. There came a fine scholarly 
young man from Luzern, called Eodolphus Collinus, 
who wished to go to Constance to take orders. Zwingli 
and Myconius persuaded him that he should learn the 
rope-making trade for this money. When he married 
and became a master I asked him if he would teach me 
also the rope-making trade. He said he had no hemp. 
There had come to me from my deceased mother a little 



STUDENT, TEACHER, AND ROPE-MAKER 143 

inheritance : therewith I bought the master a hundred- 
weight of hemp, and learned with that as much as pos- 
sible, and yet all the time had a desire for study. When 
the master imagined I slept, I rose up secretly, struck a 
light, and took a Homer and secretly my master's trans- 
lation, wherewith I annotated my Homer. Thereafter 
when I followed the handiwork I carried my Homer with 
me. When my master found this out he said : " Platere, 
pluribus intentus minor est ad singula sensus; either 
study or follow the trade." Once, when we at night 
ate with a water flask, he said : " Platter, how does Pin- 
dar begin?" I said: " Apiorov fikv to vSeop." He 
laughed and said: "Then we will follow Pindar, and 
as we have no wine, will drink water." 

Now, when I had worked up my hundredweight, my 
year of service was up. I wished to go to Basel; it 
was before Christmas. Then I took my farewell from 
the master as if I would go away, and went to my 
old lodging with Mother Adelheid, and remained con- 
cealed with her, annotated Euripides, so that I might 
take it, as also my Homer, with me on the road, when I 
wandered: for I had the intention of continuing my 
studying. 

When I wished to depart I went the night before to 
the bath at the coach house, sat down in a corner, so 
that no one could recognise me; and when it became 
too hot for me, I feared that I would faint. I ran out 
and fell before the bath-room door in the mire. When 



144 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

I grew cold, I went into the dressing-room and dressed. 
Then they saw how I had covered myself with dirt, 
and the keeper of the bath said : " He has bathed 
poorly." But I did not want to go again into the bath- 
room, for I feared that the master would find out that 
I had not gone away. 

In the morning I took my bundle, went out through 
the gate, went in one day from Zurich as far as Mut- 
tenz, from there to Basel. I sought a master, and came 
to Master Hans Stahelin, who was called the red rope- 
maker of the meat market. Of him it was said that he 
was the roughest master that could be found on the 
Ehine River. On this account, then, the rope-maker 
apprentices would not willingly remain with him, and 
I could so much the easier come to him. When he 
employed me I could scarcely hang up the hemp strands, 
and could turn them only a little. Then the master 
showed his disposition, and began to struggle and 
curse : " Go hence," he said, " gouge out the eyes of 
the master who has taught you! What shall I do 
with you? You can do nothing." But he knew not 
that I had worked up no more than a hundredweight 
of hemp. I dared not tell it to him. For he had a 
very wicked apprentice, who was from Altkirch, who is 
yet alive; he could work better than I, and treated me 
very shamefully, called me a cowmouth and other 
things. I dared not complain to the master, for he 
was also a rude Schwabian. Yet I intended to re- 



STUDENT, TEACHER, AND ROPE-MAKER 145 

main. Then I tried it with the master eight days. 
Then I addressed the master in a friendly way that 
he should bear with me, he should give me something 
or not anything for wages, whichever of the two he 
wished. I would give him a true service and would 
write down everything industriously, for no one in the 
house could write. I persuaded him, I said: "I have 
learned little, that I know; my master has had for the 
most part no hemp." He retained me and gave me 
during the week a batz. Therewith I bought a light, 
and studied at night by it ; although I had to work every 
night until one blew the trumpet, and in the morning 
up again with the trumpet. Yet I endured it will- 
ingly, in order that I could remain and learn the trade. 
Then the apprentices of the journeyman found out, 
how I know not, that without doubt I had not served 
out my time of apprenticeship. Eor it was the custom 
for the most part that one must learn for two years; 
they thought that the master should give me a fur- 
lough, or they would work no more in Basel. Then I 
asked first the one of them and then the other that they 
would permit me to remain ; I was friendly with them ; 
I could not give them much, for I had nothing myself. 
I remained thus a half year. Then I could turn out 
a day's work, and could take a journeyman's place, and 
oversee the workshop for the master. Often I worked 
when we made the large cords or other ropes so that 
the sweat came out on me; then the master laughed 



146 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

and said : " If I had studied as much as you, and had 
such a love for it, I would rather that the devil keep 
the rope-making." For he saw well that I had especial 
love for books. 

I had an acquaintance with the pious printer, 
Andres Cratander, whose son, Polycarpus, was a boarder 
of my master Eudolph Collinus while I studied with 
him. Cratander gave me a Plautus, which he had 
printed in octavo, which was not yet bound. Then I 
took one leaf after another, stuck it in a little fork, 
and stuck the fork in the hemp, which lay in a pile 
below. Then I read on my backward and forward trips 
as I turned the rope. If then my master came, I would 
quickly throw the hemp over it. One time he caught 
me, and then he behaved outrageously and cursed. 
" Odds, master, that I should abuse you as a priest. 
If you will study, then go to that, or otherwise follow 
the trade. Is it not enough that I permit you to study 
at night and on holidays? Must you also read during 
the turning?" On holidays, as soon as I had eaten 
dinner, I took my little book, went with it somewhere 
into a little garden house, and read the whole day 
until the watchman called out. For my master had 
no guest room in the meat market, as did the rope-makers 
who dwelt in the suburb. By degrees I made the ac- 
quaintance of some students, especially with those of Dr. 
Beatus Ehenanus. These and others often came before 
the shop and besought me that I should give up rope- 



STUDENT, TEACHER, AND ROPE-MAKER 147 

making, that they would bring it about through their 
master's acquaintance that he would commend me to 
Erasmus Eoterdamus. He would recommend me then 
perhaps to some bishop, or some one else. But it was 
all in vain, although the two gentlemen once came to 
me on St. Peter's Place. There I was helping make a 
large rope. The very famous Erasmus presented him- 
self as the pupils had announced to me. But I was yet 
willing to go on with the greatest toil and labour, to 
freeze during the winter cold, to eat poorly and not 
enough. For the master was a deceptive Schwabian, 
bought cheese that stunk so badly that no one could eat 
it, so that the woman had to hold her nose and said to 
me that I should throw it away when the master was 
not at home. It went very roughly and evilly with me. 
By degrees I also became acquainted with Dr. Opo- 
rinus and others. He asked me that I should teach him 
Hebrew. I excused myself, I knew only a little and 
had no time. Yet he kept at me so much that I said 
to the master that I would serve him for nothing, or 
would take a little less for it; for he had increased 
my wages. He allowed me each day an hour from four 
to five. Then Oporinus affixed a notice in the church 
that there was one there who would teach the rudi- 
ments of the Hebrew language on Mondays from four 
to five at St. Leonhardt's. Oporinus was at that time 
the schoolmaster. When I came there at the hour and 
expected to find Oporinus alone there were eighteen 



148 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

of them there, fine, learned fellows; for I had not seen 
the notice on the church door. When I saw the fel- 
lows I would away. But Dr. Oporinus said : " Do not 
go away! these are also good fellows." But I was 
ashamed in my rope-maker's apron. Yet I permitted 
myself to be persuaded. I began to read with them the 
grammar of Dr. Munsterus. It had not come to Basel. 
I read to them also the prophet Jonah as well as I was 
able. 

In the same year there came a Frenchman, sent out 
by the Queen of Navarre, who also entered the school. 
When I entered in my poor clothes I sat down behind 
the stove, where there was a fine little seat, and per- 
mitted the students to sit by the table. Then the 
Frenchman asked: "When comes our professor?" 
Oporinus pointed to me. He looked at me and was 
much astonished: he thought, without doubt, such a 
one should be better dressed. When the last ones were 
out, he took me by the hand, led me out over the little 
bridge and asked me, as we walked on, how I came to 
be so dressed. I said: "Mea res ad restem rediit." 
Then he said, if I was willing, that he would write to 
the queen for me in my behalf. She would esteem 
me as a god if I would only follow him. But I would 
not follow him. He attended my lectures until he went 
away. He was richly dressed with a golden crest, had 
also his own servant, who carried after him a mantle 
and hat, when it rained; I know not why. After nine 



STUDENT, TEACHER, AND ROPE-MAKER 149 

years the same person came again into our country. 
When he saw me from afar with the Augustins he cried 
out : " salve, prasceptor Platere ! " I asked him from 
where he came. Then he said that he had been nine 
years in Crete, Asia, and Arabia with the most learned 
Jewish rabbis, and that now the Hebrew language was 
as well known to him in all its parts as his mother 
tongue, and that he wished now to go home with joy: 
he came yet richly dressed. 



CHAPTEE VIII 

THE FIRST KAPPEL WAR— JUNE, 1529 

I remained then with my red rope-maker until they 
went for the first time against the Five Places. My 
master was also called out. Then he wished to close 
the shop until he returned again. I thought that I 
would like to go with him, especially since they would 
go towards Kappel, where I formerly had taught 
Hebrew to the pastor of Matmansetten, and where all 
the accommodations were known to me; and carry my 
master's armour over the Schafmat and even as far as 
to Matmanstetten. There was the captain, squire, 
Balthasar Hildebrand, with his lieutenant, Fandrick, 
and others, assigned to him by the council in the 
preacher's house. There I was known. They served 
wine: the leaders from Basel with their people were 
there and in the next village: on one day, I think it 
was St. John's evening, our captain went to the Zurich- 
ers towards Kappel. For they had for some days 
treated of peace, but it was not yet concluded up to one 
that afternoon. Then we heard fearful shooting, the 
small cannons were being shot off, and our captain 
ordered that they should permit the people to with- 

150 



FIRST KAPPEL WAR— JUNE, 1529 151 

draw; peace was concluded, and for this reason they 
had shot off the salutes. It crackled just as when 
one burned the juniper. Then they withdrew to Basel, 
but the captain did not come. This astonished the 
gentlemen of Matmanstetten, and they decided, because 
I knew the way well, they would send me to Kappel 
to the captain — for the soldiers were with the captain — 
and have me inquire what was now the cause that he 
had commanded the people to go home, and why he 
did not come, nor offered anything else. Then I went 
to Kappel, and as I came to the cloister it was quite 
about the time that the captain could hardly know 
me; for he was riding out of the cloister, and asked 
whether I wished to go. Then I told him of the 
affairs. He said to me : ' Go into the cloister, ask 
for the clerk Eeinhart of Zurich, and say I have sent 
you to him to await for the answer." I went in. Then 
Eeinhart called to them to give me to eat. About 
midnight we lay down on the benches — that is, I and 
my companions. When it was about two o'clock some 
one woke us up and said the messengers are here — 
that is, those who were to bring the treaty which the 
Five Places had established with the Roman King. 
There, in the articles of peace, it was agreed upon that 
the treaty should be made public. But on the day that 
this should be done no one admitted having the treaty, 
and indeed one place sent it on to the other. For the 
peace was not complete until this was done. The treaty 



152 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

was brought up in the night about two. When now 
everyone was up, they came together in a hall and the 
sheriff of Glarus took the treaty, for he had always 
been the leading arbiter. He gave the treaty to a clerk, 
who opened it; it was fearfully wide and long, the like 
of which I had never seen, and I believe there were 
nine seals thereon : a great one that was golden. Then 
the clerk began and read a long preface with the title, 
as one reads at Basel on St. John's day in the square; 
thereafter also the Five Places, as these with these titles 
were called in the treaty, that had made a confederacy, 
and so on. Then the sheriff struck his hand on the 
treaty and said : " It is enough ! " Then one behind 
me, who was without doubt from Zurich, cried out: 
" Eead the treaty out, so we can hear with what kind of 
treachery they wished to deceive us ! " The sheriff 
turned around to him and said : " How, read it to an 
end? Before that you must hack me into little pieces 
before I will permit it." He put the treaty together 
again and said : " Alas, you are already too much embit- 
tered with one another." He took a little knife, first 
cut off the seals, cut up the treaty into long strips and 
then into little pieces and gave them to the clerk in a 
little cap, so that he might throw them in the fire; 
whither the seals went I know not. As it was now 
almost day, Eeinhart sent me to the captain, to 
bring him the message that the peace was now estab- 
lished, the treaty given out and burned. The captain 



FIRST KAPPEL WAR— JUNE, 1529 153 

came to meet me in the morning. I told to him what 
Eeinhart had commanded. He gave me five batz and 
then I went homeward with joy. I went again to 
Zurich, saw with what great triumph they marched in, 
how they drew all the artillery up to the castle, and 
shot it off over the Limmat and the large city: it was 
such a salute that great boughs fell from the linden, 
and on the other side of the Limmat some windows 
were broken in. On the next Sunday Zwingli preached 
and showed what kind of a peace had been made; this 
would bring about that in a short time they would 
strike together their hands over their heads, as it really 
came to pass in the second expedition. 



12 



CHAPTER IX 
MARRIAGE— SCHOOL-MASTER AT HOME 

After that I remained a while with Master My- 
conius and studied. Then he advised me, as also the 
mother, that I should marry their maid, Anna, and 
wander no more. Then they would give us the inher- 
itance. I permitted myself to be persuaded, and 
Father Myconius presented us to each other. But 
I was not with Myconius for lodging, but with the old 
hat-maker, Simon Steiner, who then was studying in 
Zurich. He then had his support from the priests. 
After some days we went to Dubendorf to Mr. My- 
conius's brother-in-law, who was a preacher, to the 
church and celebrated our marriage with such splen- 
dor that the people who were with us at the table knew 
not that it was a marriage. Thereafter we went again 
into the city, and I went to live in my lodging, for we 
both wished to keep it secret. 

For two days I went home to Valais, told my 
friends that I had married. They were not pleased, 
for they had hoped that I would become a priest. Then 
I resolved to carry on the rope-maker's trade, and be- 
sides to keep school. I went again to Zurich, and was 

154 



MARRIAGE— SCHOOL-MASTER AT HOME 155 

six weeks there. We were now resolved that we would 
both go home. Then Myconius was indebted to the 
mother fourteen guilders for wages. He gave her two 
guilders. With that we went from there on the 
first day to Matmanstetten to the gentleman whom I 
had taught Hebrew. The next day we went to Luzern 
to my wife's brother, called Clami Dietschi, who sup- 
ported himself by broom, basket, and chair-making. 
The family of the Dietschen is from Wippschingen, a 
little village below Zurich on the Limmat, belonging to 
the Zurich church. My wife on her father's side was 
descended from here, but her mother was from Merlin 
on the Zurich lake. Her father and mother died early. 
On this account she was brought up by friends until 
she was able to go away into service. Then she served, 
and usually long in a service, and then also at last 
with Father Myconius, with whom she was serving in 
her seventeenth year; many nights has not slept much, 
but has spun alone in her room, so that the wife, whom 
she called mother, could so much the better support 
herself with Father Myconius. She also often spun for 
herself on a holiday, and then sold the cotton yarn. 
That earned her much. For she could spin well, and 
while I was with Myconius she has frequently spun 
late in the night, so that I sat by the table and stud- 
ied, while neither of us had thought that we would 
become man and wife. It brought her little wages, 
as was the custom at that time; in three years scarcely 



156 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

as much as one gives one maiden now in a year. Yet 
she made quite good clothing for herself. 

From Luzern we went to Sarnen in Unterwalden, 
came to a landlord and landlady, who were both so 
drunk that they did not know one another, but re- 
mained lying on benches in the room. And if my wife 
and the landlady had not prepared the bed before sup- 
per we would not have known where we should sleep, 
and it was on Saturday. The landlord could play the 
lute with a spring and sang then with great noise, so 
that I said : " Do not scream so, or the people will beat 
us well." " No ! much more," said the landlord, " if 
the sheriff knew it, even if he were already asleep, he 
would get up again." For in Unterwalden they often 
do not go to bed when they come to drinking. There- 
fore people say : " Shall we have an Unterwalden 
night ? " and although they lay on the benches, yet they 
could well make out the reckoning in the morning, so 
that I and my wife had but to pay. 

From there we went to Hasli, from there to the 
Grimsel mountain. It had already snowed, and was 
yet before St. Gall's day, for on St. Leodogar's day we 
were in Luzern. Then it began to dawn upon my wife 
it would go roughly, for we were compelled to eat very 
coarse bread. There were also some men who wished 
to cross the mountains on the next day who spoke to 
me: "You dare not take the woman over the moun- 
tain." There my wife had good living ! She must lie 



MARRIAGE— SCHOOL-MASTER AT HOME 157 

in the straw, to which she was not accustomed. On the 
next day we arose and God helped us over the moun- 
tain, although her clothing was frozen to her body. 
We came to Minster in Gomss in Valais, four miles 
above Visp, whither we wished to go. There also it 
had snowed. And because they heard that we came 
from Zurich we were not treated in a friendly manner. 
Then we had just enough for a day's lodging and one 
thick pfennig. Therewith my wife bought flax, for she 
could spin well the yarn for cloth. We came on the 
next day to the Bridger bath. There we found a 
countrywoman, and the landlord was also from Zurich, 
and the keeper at the bath. The woman was Master 
Schwitzer's daughter in Eenweg, who afterward became 
banneret and perished at Kappel. The daughter had 
perhaps run away from the father. Such Zurich maid- 
ens one has too often found in Valais; for they go the 
more willingly from the sour Zurich wine to the sweet 
Valais wine. She comforted my wife. " There were 
good people in Valais, it would go well with her." 
From the bath we went up a very high mountain to 
Burgen to my sister Christine. She had a husband and 
nine children; the husband had two aunts, who were 
so old that they knew not how old they were; also no 
one else. With her we remained until St. Gall's day. 
There I had inherited some household goods that my 
sister had kept for me; she loaned me their ass, there- 
with I carried them to Visp into a house for the use of 



158 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

which I did not have to pay anything; there was a bed 
therein which no one used; they loaned that to us 
also without charge. It was about the most pleasant 
house in the village, with fine pane-glass windows. 
Then things began to go well. 

Once an aunt saw me who came to my house in Visp, 
bid me welcome, and asked : " Thomas, when will you 
hold a mass for us?" A noble young woman, who 
was the aunt of the Bishop Dr. Adriani of Eiedmat- 
ten, heard this and said : " He has brought with him a 
long mass." At another time my cousin, Mr. Anthony 
Platter, of St. Martin, came to Visp to me in the church 
after mass ; he said, " They say you have brought a 
wife with you." I answered : " Yes." He said : " The 
devil orders that." I said : " Sir, you do not find that 
in the Bible." Thereupon he became so angry that he 
for a long time thereafter would not speak to me. He 
had the name in the whole country that he was a good 
Bible student, for he read much in the Bible, but 
understood only a little, only made the pages red with 
red chalk. 

Then I began to prepare for rope-making and to hold 
school. I began to make rope; I received thirty-one 
scholars; most in winter, but in summer scarcely six. 
One of them gave me on the four past weeks a thick 
pfennig; and we had with that a good thing, for the 
people gave us much. I had several aunts. One 
brought eggs, the other a cheese, this one a ball of 



MARRIAGE— SCHOOL-MASTER AT HOME 159 

butter; similarly also the others, whose children went to 
school to me, brought such things; some a quarter of 
a sheep. Those who were at home in the village gave 
milk, vegetables, came with wine, and so on, so that 
seldom a day went by without that something was sent 
to us. We have sometimes at night reckoned up that 
eight or nine kinds of things had been presented to us 
in the day. 

A few weeks previously, before I came with my wife, 
the women were with one another in the Eister valley 
in a room, and spoke about me — what a lordly first 
mass I would have, what a great offering would be 
made to me; for of my mother's friends alone, the 
Summermatters, there were seventy-two cousins and 
aunts who were as yet unmarried, and could themselves 
carry the offering to the altar. Then they understood 
that I had come with a wife ! 

When we began to keep house I borrowed from my 
Uncle Anthony Summermatter, whom people usually 
called Antony, " zum Lichtenbuhl," thirty great— that 
is, fifteen Switz batz. With that we began to keep 
house; began to purchase wine; sold it by the measure; 
bought also apples; my wife sold them to the boys that 
wanted them. 

Things now went well with us, and with the help of 
pious people we got along, so that we had no wants, and 
my wife was much pleased then. But the priests were 
not all friendly to me, though they also did me good, 



160 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

and also often invited me as a guest, so that I might 
not lean to Lutherism too much. But as I must go 
to the church to help sing mass it was troublesome to 
me to help in the idolatry against my conscience, to be 
there and not to dare at all times to speak freely what 
was in my heart. I thought what should I do that I 
could escape from it; I went over to Zurich to counsel 
with my Father Myconius ; he advised me that I should 
leave this place, for I had also some hope to be ap- 
pointed at Basel. 

As I went home again I had with me one of my 
pupils who could not follow me very well on the Grim- 
sel mountain. It began to snow and rain. It was so 
cold that it lacked only a little that we were both 
frozen. Yet because I knew the mountain ways I said 
to the boy that he should not sit down, but should go 
on and on. I went a piece farther, so that I warmed 
myself, and ran back again to the boy, until we thus, 
with the help of God, came to the hospice. This is a 
monastic inn on the mountain ; there one finds good 
eating and drinking. This was the middle of August. 

Another time, also, I had gone over the same moun- 
tain, and, as I was alone, and as yet knew not the char- 
acter of the mountain, I became weary and tired, and 
sat down and wished to rest. Then a pleasant 
warmth came and I slept with my arms folded on my 
knees. Then a man came to me, placed a hand on each 
of my shoulders, woke me up, and said : " So, why do 



MARRIAGE— SCHOOL-MASTER AT HOME 161 

you sit here ? Stand up and go ! " Where the man 
then went I know not ; I looked far up and down, but I 
saw the man no more. Then I stood up, took out of 
my little sack a piece of bread and ate. Now when I 
related this to some people, who understood the ways 
of the mountains, they said that I had been as good as 
dead. For when one becomes fearfully cold on the 
mountains and sits down out of weakness, then he be- 
comes warm; for the blood runs from his heart to his 
face and extremities, which before was at the heart, 
while he was so cold. For when one sits down, the 
blood runs from the heart and the man dies. And I 
can think nothing else but that God has preserved my 
life, as also people said to me. For there is no more 
painless death than freezing. On this account people 
are often found sitting on the mountain, as if they 
were sleeping, and are dead. Therefore, when the 
night overtakes some on the mountain, and they know 
this danger, they take one another by the hand and go 
around in a ring the whole night, even if it is dark, 
until it becomes day again. 

When now I came home to my wife she was rejoiced. 
For a pestilence had attacked the priest. The people 
showed such unfriendliness towards him that only a 
young fellow was with him; no one else would take 
care of him, so that she had anxiety about what would 
happen to her if she became sick. I also had experi- 
enced this some years before. Then, as I went to the 



162 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

school in Zurich, there was there a fearful pestilence, 
so that they buried in one grave by the great cathedral 
nine hundred men and in another seven hundred. 
Then I went away from home with the other country 
people. Then I had a boil on one leg; I thought that 
it was also the pestilence. Then the people would re- 
ceive us scarcely anywhere. I went to Grenchen to 
my Aunt Frances. Then from Galpentran — it is a 
little village below the mountain — even to Grenchen, I 
fell asleep eighteen times in half a day. Then my aunt 
bound cabbage-leaves on the boil, and with the help of 
God it became well, and nothing happened to any 
one else. But neither I nor my aunt dared in six 
weeks to come to any one. I have also been in a pesti- 
lence at Zurich, while I boarded with the mother of 
Dr. Eudolph Gualterus, who, because she did not have 
many beds, had to give me a bed with two little girls; 
the pestilence attacked both; they died beside me, 
but it did not attack me. 

And, although my wife liked Valais, I thought of 
getting away from there as soon as possible. Yet be- 
fore that our first child was born. The little child 
was christened and called Margaret; two very noble 
women were godmothers, and a very pious lover of the 
truth, Egidus Meier, who had also studied, was god- 
father. Some one said to me a few days thereafter 
some people had thought that my wife would not re- 
cover as a punishment for my not becoming a priest. 



MARRIAGE— SCHOOL-MASTER, AT HOME 163 

Then I said in a public place : " Before I would become 
a priest " — for they had hoped for that — " I would be 
a player or a hangman." That offended many most 
seriously. 

Hereafter, when I already had it in mind to leave 
the country, and the Bishop, Mr. Adrian von der Eeid- 
matten, heard it, he sent his cousin, Jonas Eeidmatten, 
to me at Visp, requested me that I should become the 
school-master of the whole land, and they would give 
me a good living. I thanked his grace, and asked for 
indulgence for yet a few years ; I was yet young and un- 
learned; and would like to study some more. Then he 
shook his finger at me and said : " Platter, you are 
old and learned enough; you have some other reason; 
if yet we call you into a position in the future you 
will serve your fatherland rather than foreigners." 

Thereupon I took my child in a carrying-chair, with 
the cradle on my back, and went away. And one of the 
godmothers gave the little child a double ducat. 



CHAPTER X 
IN ZURICH— IN BASEL 

We went away together; we had then twelve or four- 
teen gold pieces, some household goods, and the child, 
which I carried, and the mother followed along behind 
as a cow a little calf. We came to Zurich to Father 
Myconius. Before this I had made known to them 
there by letter, through Dr. Oporinus Henricus, de- 
ceased, whom they called Billing, the stepson of the 
mayor in the suburb of Aschen, called " Zum Hirsch- 
en," that they should assist me perhaps to some small 
service. Then we tied our household goods and cloth- 
ing together in a bundle and sent it to Bern, and from 
there to Basel. But when I went away to Valais 
I had had a good school companion in Valais called 
Thomas Koran, who carried my goods and my books 
from Zurich to Valais. When I went away again 
many people were displeased, especially my sister; 
every one thought that my wife led me again out of 
the country. They did her an injustice; for she would 
have dwelt in that country willingly enough. But the 
priests were willing for me to leave. 

From Zurich we went to Basel. I carried the child, 
164 



IN ZURICH— IN BASEL 165 

which was not yet six months old. There went with us 
a student, who helped the mother carry the goods. 
And when we looked around for an inn, and could 
scarcely find one, we took at last a little house, at 
St. Ulrich, which was called "at the Lion's Head." Dr. 
Oporinus was there in the great courtyard at . the 
Bishop's mansion, where afterward Frau von Scho- 
nau was, and was at that time school-master at 
the castle. Then I became dispenser for Dr. Opo- 
rinus, through the claims of pious people, and 
the Sir Deputies gave me a salary of one hundred 
mark. They said they had never given so much to any 
one before. Out of that I must give twenty-five mark 
for house rent, and that was at that time very dear; 
for one gave a fourth of corn for fifteen mark and a 
measure of wine for eight raps. But the scarcity did 
not continue. I went to the market and bought a little 
cask of wine; I think it was an Ahm. I carried it 
home on my shoulder. Then I and my wife drank wine 
with much wrangling. For at first we had no drink- 
ing vessel, only a narrow-necked bottle. We went with 
the bottle into the cellar. Thereupon we argued with 
one another. I said: "You drink, you must nourish 
the babe." Then my wife said: "You drink, you 
must study, and have a hard time in the school." 
Afterward my good friend, Henry Billing, bought us 
a glass; it was shaped like a boot; with this we went 
into the cellar when we had been in the bath; in this 



166 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

we put a little more than in the bottle. The little cask 
lasted a long time. When it was empty, Henry Billing 
bought us another. I had to pay him for that when I 
angered him, when I no more wished to remain as as- 
sistant, and went away to Pruntrut. I went to the inn 
and bought a little kettle and a little water-kettle, both 
of which had holes. I also bought a chair. At that 
time I also had bought a good bed in the Aschen suburb 
for twelve and a half mark; we had not much house 
furniture besides. God be praised, however poor we had 
been at first, I no more remember that after we had 
begun to keep house that we ever ate without bread and 
wine. I studied industriously, arose early, and went to 
bed late. So that I have often had a headache, and had 
such a terrible dizziness that I often have had to hold 
myself up by the benches. The physician would gladly 
have helped me with blood-letting and mixed drugs for 
the stomach, but all was in vain. 



CHAPTEK XI 

WITH THE DOCTOR IN PRUNTRUT— DEATH OF 
THE LITTLE CHILD AND OF THE DOCTOR 

At this time there came a famous doctor there called 
John Epiphanius, who was the physician of the Grand 
Duke of Bavaria, a Venetian. When at Munich some 
citizens had eaten meat on a day when it was prohib- 
ited, and he with them, and they all were forced to 
run away. They were learned men, and thought that 
no one would do anything with them. The duke caused 
them to be beheaded. But Epiphanius ran away with 
his wife, whom he had married in Munich, and came 
to Zurich. There I became acquainted with him. 
When he came to Basel I asked him also for counsel 
concerning the dizziness. He examined me, and won- 
dered whence I had the dizziness. Soon he said: "If 
you were with me I would soon drive it away from 
you ; " for he thought that I ate not the best things or 
not enough ; also that I studied too much and slept too 
little. Then I and my wife agreed, if they would re- 
ceive us as servants, then we would go to him. He went 
to Pruntrut and became the physician of the Bishop, 
Mr. Philip von Gundolzheim. Then I gave up the 

167 



168 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

assistantship, and went with my wife and child to 
Pruntrut. Then the deputy was not well pleased with 
me and also my best friends, Dr. Oporinus and Henry 
Billing, the mayor's stepson. But I had especial de- 
sire for the medicine, with which the doctor had prom- 
ised to help me. Again I took the child on my back 
and went away. I left my household goods at Basel. 

Now when I came to him I said : " Doctor, now I 
am with you, help me against this dizziness." Then he 
turned to my wife and said : " There is your physi- 
cian " and said : " Go early to bed when you think 
that no one else will knock, and sleep in the. morning 
as long as you think that no one comes and knocks." 
Which, however, my wife did not do; for she rose up 
early, looked after the child and the other affairs that 
belonged to her service and housekeeping. But I did 
not sleep too long, but more than I had been accus- 
tomed to hitherto. When I then arose, she was accus- 
tomed to cook for me a good broth. That also the doc- 
tor had commanded her. When I now had assumed 
this manner of living, I can say with truth that after 
three days I did not have the dizziness any more, but 
it left me entirely. And since then I have had no more 
trouble from the dizziness, except when I forgot myself 
occasionally to be with too little sleep or too long fast- 
ing. This art, which is so easily practised, I have 
taught very many who have complained of the dizzi- 
ness, and have helped them; for example, Mr. My- 



WITH THE DOCTOR IN PRUNTRUT 169 

conius, Dr. Cellaring and some others, who have 
thanked me for it; for it has helped them. 

When now we had been there twelve weeks and our 
little child on one evening had learned to go five little 
steps, the pestilence attacked it, and it died on the third 
day. And when the spasms had also attacked it, so 
that we must see it in the greatest pain, we wept, 
when it died, from sorrow and also from joy, that it 
has escaped from the suffering. Then the mother 
made for it a pretty wreath, and the school-master at 
Pruntrut buried it behind St. Michaers. 

When now we were both sad, and my wife was no 
more happy as before, and did not want to sing, the 
master said: "Your wife is no more joyous, and my 
wife fears that because she is so sad that the pestilence, 
which then prevailed in Pruntrut, will attack my wife 
or yours. I advise you to take her away." I did so, 
took her to Zurich, and spent on the way not more than 
five bats. But I went again back to Pruntrut, and 
came on a Sunday evening again to the master, who 
sat alone by a table, and was full to suffocation with 
wine and said : " Thomas, you have done wrong that 
you have taken Ann away (and yet he had told me to) ; 
as soon as you went away the pestilence attacked my 
wife, she lies above and has a great ulcer. Now the mas- 
ter was very much afraid, so that he drank himself full 
all day, so that he would think about it so much the 

less. He was even before that for the most part drunk. 
13 



170 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

For when we ate at the castle and had drunk enough, 
then the steward led him as he went away to the cellar : 
the Bishop had commanded it. There he drank yet 
more wine. When we then came home, the first thing 
he sent after more wine ; for he had none in the cellar, 
and he often sat in the garden in his shirt-sleeves until 
after midnight and drank. 

On Monday, as I had returned on Sunday, the pes- 
tilence also attacked him. He said to me: "We will 
go across the field/' As we came to the city gate he 
said: "We will go to Delsberg," for the Bishop had 
fled there from the pestilence. We went the same day 
to the village next to Delsberg, it is a mile or an half 
from Pruntrut. We remained there over night; he 
would eat nothing. He was very sick. He did not tell 
his wife that he wished to go away, and I also did not 
know it, until we came outside of the city gate. On 
the next day we rented a horse, and on the road be- 
tween Pruntrut and Delsberg he fell from the horse; 
for he was a large, heavy man and sick. At the vil- 
lage next to Delsberg he sent the horse back again and 
walked as far as the gate. Then they would not let 
him in until he sent to the Bishop, telling him that he 
was there. Then the Bishop commanded that they 
should let him in. We went to the Bishop's house, they 
bid us welcome, and placed him by the Bishop's side 
for supper. But he ate only a little that night. The 
Bishop asked : " Doctor, how is it that you are not so 



WITH THE DOCTOR IN PRUNTRUT 171 

cheerful as usual ? " He answered : " It was so hot 
yesterday on the street, I had drunk and it made me 
sick." When we wished to retire, the Bishop asked 
him whether he would accompany him on a hunt in 
the morning. The doctor answered: "Yes, sir; if I 
am better, as I hope." Thereupon they conducted us 
to a great room, where the master slept in one bed, but 
I in another one. In the night he was very sick and 
vomited. They had placed for us on a table two great 
beakers, one with wine and the other with water. In 
the morning the doctor arose in a most miserable con- 
dition. I washed the bedding as well as possible with 
wine and water, so that they would not see it so. The 
Bishop rode to the hunt and came home early. When 
he dismounted, he called to me and said: "Tell me, 
Thomas, did your child die at Pruntrut, and is the doc- 
tor's wife sick of the pestilence?" (He had heard this 
while on the hunt.) I said: "Yes, worthy master." 
" Why has the doctor come to me. Tell me, has he also 
the plague ? " I said : " I know not ; he has not told 
me." " Then do this one thing," he said, "and take your 
master quickly and immediately away from the castle." 
Then I went around the little city. No one wished to 
receive him, and asked me what kind of a sickness my 
master had. I said, as he also had told the Bishop, 
that he had drunk too much in the heat, and had be- 
come sick. There was an innkeeper, I think at the 
White Cross, who told me that I could bring him. She 



172 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

bedded him clean and properly, as was due to such a 
man. Then the master said to me : " Thomas, go to my 
wife and say, if she wishes to see me alive, then she must 
come quickly/' When I came to the wife in Pruntrut 
and announced it, she was very angry. " The ras- 
cal," she said, " he does as all Italians. He ran away 
from me in my need; neither will I go, nor can I go, 
nor do I want to go ; may it go with him as God wills." 
I said : " Woman, I believe that he will die ; then you are 
here and in Basel heavily in debt, and they will take 
from you everything that you have. Give me what is 
the most valuable to you, then I will carry it to Basel, 
and deliver it to you, if he dies." She gave me the mas- 
ter's experiment book, which he at all times valued 
most highly, and three shirts, which were very fine, 
also a pure silver spoon, handkerchiefs, and I know 
not what besides. The book was the most valuable to 
me, for I intended to copy it. With these things I 
went back again to Delsberg. In the meantime the 
Bishop had sent him away with a horse and a servant 
to Munster, and no one would let me in. Then I put 
the household goods in the little guardhouse of the 
gate-keeper at the Basel side and went to Munster. 
There I found him very sick, and he had again on the 
way fallen from the horse. I announced to him what 
I had performed. Thither when it became night, the 
landlord came, who, as I think, had been in Delsberg 
and had heard all things, and said to the landlady: 



WITH THE DOCTOR IN PRUNTRUT 173 

" Whom have you for guests ? " When he heard he be- 
came terribly angry, swore evilly, and said to me, 
because I was his servant, that I should take him out 
of the house or he would throw us both down the steps. 
Then I said: "If you throw him down, then will he 
die so much the sooner, and you will be guilty of his 
death/' Thereupon he left us there for the night. And 
since there were no more papists there, there came a 
preacher from another village, who was to preach on 
the morrow in Munster. He slept in the inn in our 
room; he comforted the master in a Christian manner. 
I asked the preacher, for God's sake, that he should 
assemble the people after the sermon and exhort them, 
for God's sake, to consent to give him a house for 
recompense, even if it was empty ; yes, even a pig's sty, 
that he might have some place where he might die. All 
this was refused him. After the luncheon, I went 
almost from one house to another, asked only for a 
little stall, where he could die, for I knew well he would 
not live long. At last I found a woman. The woman 
wept, she so pitied the gentleman, for whom I had 
asked the people in such a friendly manner, and besides 
I had promised to give reward enough. She said to 
me: "Go in, my good friend, and bring the gentleman 
to me." The woman was a native of Basel. Then I 
went in, hired a woman who was to help me carry him 
out of the inn, perhaps quite a stone's throw away. I 
must give her half a guilder. As we carried him to the 



174 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

house the peasants stood on both sides and looked at 
us. To them I spoke extremely severely, and re- 
proached them for their godless heart and no faith. 
When I had brought him to the house, the woman had 
prepared a chair, wherein we sat him before the door, 
so that he slept a little. I gave him a little broth, per- 
haps two spoons full. Then the woman kissed him 
and wept out of pity; for he was a fine, large man^ 
well dressed. Then we led him into a little room, 
wherein there was a good bed prepared. Then she gave 
him broth again, and kissed him again, weeping. And 
though she said we will let him sleep, I remained with 
him. Then he said to me : " Abi ! Abi ! Go away, go 
away to Basel ! " When I would not do it, he became 
angry and ordered me that I should go away. Then 
I feared he would be so angry that convulsions would 
attack him. Then he drew the cord from his neck, 
whereon were two or three rings, a golden toothpick, 
and other things, which one gathers together and 
strings, and also drew off a thumb ring with a seal. 
He gave all these to me, that I should carry them to 
Basel, give them to his wife, and go soon, for he feared 
that they would detain me, and that these would be 
taken from the woman. I know not what I pretended 
to the woman, but took my departure, and said I would 
soon come back again. He had with him clothing, so 
that his expenses would be well repaid to her. 

I went to Delsberg, took the stuff from the gate- 



WITH THE DOCTOR IN PRUNTRUT 175 

keeper, and went quickly away, for I regretted only 
on account of the book if I should be arrested; for I 
had it in mind to copy it. I came thus on the next 
day to Basel to Oporinus. He advised me that I 
should go to Zurich with the things. Then I heard 
here that he had died on the very day that I had gone 
away from him. Epiphanius was buried at Munster 
with the honours of a doctor. God had indeed taken 
away from the man all worldly help, so that he had 
with him neither baths nor medicines, though he had 
plenty of these at Pruntrut. For there he had for 
himself an apothecary shop. So he often sent me to 
Basel to procure all sorts of things. 

When now the debtors — namely, Kunz "zum 
Storchen," Mclaus the Apothecary, and the old Kei- 
men — knew that he was dead, and that I was from there 
with some things; also that he had had a servant be- 
fore me, who said : " The doctor had a book that was 
worth sixty crowns " ; they caused the report to be spread 
that I had run away as a rascal. This Dr. Oporinus 
wrote to me. Then I took all the things and brought 
them again and let myself be seen; but then no one 
would call me a knave, but in haste caused me to be 
served with an attachment, and said that I should give 
them what I had. I said : " The master was indebted 
to me some shillings and six florins; if you give me 
this, and it is acknowledged, then I will give it, other- 
wise not." Then the mayor, " zum Hirschen," advised 



176 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

my attorney that he should say I had the assured pledge 
they should pay me. The case lasted about six weeks, 
for they thought that I could not wait until the end, 
and that I would rather give them all things out of 
hand. 

In the meantime I and Oporinus copied off each in 
turn a half page of the book, and intended then to 
copy from each other, which afterward was done. 
Thus we succeeded in copying the book. When now 
they paid me, the judgment was pronounced that I 
should surrender all things. This I did and went 
again back to Zurich. The wife of the doctor, recov- 
ered again, came to me a tolerably long time there- 
after to Basel, and asked me, since all things had been 
taken from her, and I perhaps in that time had copied 
the book, that I should not begrudge her just the rem- 
edy of purgation of the currants; therewith she knew 
how to support herself. But where she went then I do 
not know. She was very pretty. 



CHAPTEK XII 

ZURICH WAR, OCTOBER, 1531 

Not long thereafter the Zurichers and the Five 
Places went against one another again. Then things 
went badly again; for many honest, noble men per- 
ished; among others also Zwingli. When the battle 
had been fought and the clamour came back to Zurich, 
they rang the alarm with the great Cathedral bell. It 
was just at the time when the lights were being lit. 
Then many people ran out of the city to the bridge 
over the Syll under the Albis. I caught up a halberd 
and a sword in the house of Myconius and ran out 
also with the others. But when we had gone out quite 
a distance, then met us what caused me to wish that 
I had remained in the city. For some came who had 
only one hand, some held their head between their 
hands, mournfully wounded and bloody. One met us 
also whose intestines were hanging out, so that he car- 
ried them in his hands; and people went with them 
who lighted the way; for it was dark. When we came 
to the bridge, they permitted every man to go over the 
bridge, but they would allow no man to come back 
towards Zurich. For men stood on the bridge with 

177 



178 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

weapons to defend it. I believe that otherwise the 
majority would have fled to the city. Then people ad- 
monished one another that they should not despair. 
There was one ont of the Zurich district, who was a 
brave fellow, spoke with a loud voice, so that every one 
could hear him, and called to their minds how it very 
often went badly in the beginning and thereafter well. 
He counselled that in the night the people should go over 
the Albis, so that they could surprise the enemy when 
they came in the morning. When we came there no 
captain was to be found, for they were all shot in 
the night. It was very cold, for in the morning a great 
frost fell. Then we made fires. I also sat thus by a 
fire, drew off my shoes, so that I might warm myself 
thoroughly. At my side was also a Fuchsberger. He was 
at that time the trumpeter in Zurich; he had neither 
shoes nor cap, and also no more a sword. And as we 
sat thus the alarm was sounded, so that they might see 
how the people would behave. And as I drew on my 
shoes the trumpeter seized my halberd, and wished to 
stand with it in rank and file. Then I said to him: 
" Hold, companion, leave me my weapons ! " Then 
he gave it back to me again and said : " Odds, five 
wounds already! They have treated me so evilly in 
the battle to-night, they must kill me completely to- 
day." Then he seized a great hedge pole and placed 
himself in the ranks directly before me. Then I 
thought : " Alas, here is such a fine man, and he stands 



ZURICH WAR, OCTOBER, 1531 179 

so defenseless." And I regretted immediately that I 
had not let him have my halberd. Then I had already 
become resigned and thought, " Now it must be/' And 
was not at all terrified, and thought I would defend 
myself bravely with the halberd, and if I were deprived 
of the halberd then I would also defend myself bravely 
with the sword. 

But when one saw that the enemy was not at hand, 
then I was much rejoiced, as many others also. For I 
knew many who went about arrogantly in Zurich, but 
trembled then like an aspen leaf. Then I heard of a 
brave man who stood on a high place and cried aloud : 
"Where are our leaders? Oh, heavens, is there no 
one here to counsel us how we should act?" And 
though some thousands were there assembled no one 
knew how it would have gone if the enemy had come. 

When, as I remember, it was almost nine o'clock in 
the morning, the first leader, Lavater, was seen below, 
coming hither over a path ; he had disgraced himself in 
the flight. The other leader, William "of the Eed 
House," was killed. The third, George Goldlin, had 
so conducted himself that later he was convicted in 
Zurich of having betrayed the Zurichers. 

What there was done further I know not. For as I 
was not provided as many others, I had nothing to 
eat, and went back again to Zurich. Then my pre- 
ceptor Myconius asked me : " How has it gone ? Is 
Mr. Ulrich killed?" When I answered, "Yes, alas!" 






180 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

he said with sorrowful heart, " then must God comfort 
me ! Now I can no longer live in Zurich ! " For 
Zwingli and Myconius had been for many years very 
good friends. After they had given me to eat, we went 
with one another out into a room. Myconius said: 
"Where will I go now? I can stay here no more." 
Some days thereafter I learned that the preacher at 
St. Alban in Basel had been killed as he was climb- 
ing over the mountains. When Myconius said again, 
"Where shall I go?" I said: "Go to Basel and be- 
come a preacher." He said: "What preacher will 
give way to me and let me have his place." I related 
to him how one called Hieronymus Bodan, preacher at 
St. Alban — was dead. I believed that he would be 
received there. Then nothing further was said, and 
also no order was given me by Myconius. When 
peace was made there came about four hundred from 
the province of Schwitz, from Lachen, and other places 
around who wished to spend the night in the city. 
Then there was a great running to and fro of burghers 
who thought that they would cause a night of murder ; 
for traitors were only too numerous in the city who 
could specify who should be murdered. Then the gates 
were closed and the whole Eennway became full of 
people. The traitorous Chlotzascher, who had become 
city mayor in place of Lavater, rode out to the Syll 
to the Switzers and gave them lodging. He broke 
open the door of those who were not willing to admit 



ZURICH WAR, OCTOBER, 1531 181 

them and was altogether friendly with them. When 
now every one had gone home from the Kennway, Dr. 
Jacob Ammianus, who now for a long time had been 
professor, came to Myconius and said to him: "Mr. 
Myconius, I do not want you to remain in your house 
to-night. No one knows what will happen. They will 
certainly not spare you. Come with me ! " There were 
some of his pupils who accompanied him to the house 
of Dr. Ammianus, and I with them. Then Myconius 
said: "Thomas, sleep to-night with me." We lay in 
one bed, and each of us had a halberd beside himself 
in the bed. On the following day the Swiss went home 
over the Zurich Lake. 



CHAPTEK XIII 
TO BASEL— MYCONIUS ALSO GOES THITHER 

When now peace had come, and I had lost much 
time, I wished to go again back to Basel to the stud- 
ies. I studied in the college, and lay on my bed, and 
went to the Pilgrim's Staff for meals. I have often 
eaten there for three pfennigs. One can well imagine 
how much I ate ! In time I told to Henry Billing, the 
burgomaster's son, that I had heard from Myconius that 
he no longer wished to stay in Zurich, since Mr. 
Ulrich was dead. He said: "Do you think he could 
be persuaded to come to us ? " I told him what I had 
spoken to him concerning the position of preacher at 
St. Alban. He told it to the burgomaster, his father. 
He told it to the deputies; they sent for me in the 
Augustine's Cloister. When now they had heard me, 
they sent me to Zurich, and I brought Myconius away 
with me. But I had to bear the expense of it myself. 

As we went on, four fellows on horseback appeared 
in a field beyond Mumpf, and because they were not 
in the confederacy Myconius said : " How would it be 
if they caught us and led us to Ensisheim." I said, 
as they now came up to us, " Fear not, they are from 
182 



MYCONIUS ALSO GOES THITHER 183 

Basel." For it was Squire Wolfgang von Landenberg, 
Squire Offenberg, the Landenberg's son, and a knight. 
When they came up I said : " I know that they are from 
Basel, for I have often seen them at the preaching of 
Ocolampadius." They put up at Mumpf at the " Bell " 
as night fell. We also put up there. When we came 
into the room Squire Wolfgang asked: "Whence 
do you come ? " Myconius said : " From Zurich." Then 
the squire asked: "What do they say in Zurich?" 
Myconius answered : " People are mournful because Mr. 
IJlrich Zwingli is dead." Squire Wolfgang asked: 
" Who are you ? " Myconius answered : " I am Oswald 
Myconius, and am the school-master in Zurich at Our 
Lady's Cathedral." Then Myconius also asked : " Who 
are you?" He said: "I am Wolf von Landenburg." 
After a while Myconius took me by the coat, led me 
out, and said : " I see now clearly how industriously you 
have gone to church in Basel. I believe the nobleman 
has not very often pressed the seats in the church." 
For Myconius had heard much said of him. When 
now we sat at the table Squire Eglin also came in the 
room and the other two. They sat at the top of the 
table and began to drink. Then the knight brought a 
beaker of liquor to Myconius. Myconius took a little 
drink out of the beaker which they had sent him. Then 
the knight said : " sir, you must drink more ! " And 
when he urged him to it forcibly, then Myconius be- 
came angry and said: "Fellow, I could drink 



184 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

before you could have carried a little chip/' and 
other words. Squire Eglin heard this and asked: 
" What is it ? " Myconius said : " He presumes to force 
me to drink." Then was Squire Eglin fearfully angry 
at the knight, so that we thought he would strike him, 
and spoke to him very evilly: "You villain, would 
you force an old man to drink?" And asked My- 
conius : " Dear sir, who are you ? " Myconius said : " I 
am called Oswald Myconius." The squire said : " Have 
you not once been school-master at St. Peter's in 
Basel ? " He said : " Yes." The squire said : " Dear sir, 
you have been my teacher also. If I had followed you, 
then I would have been an honourable man. I know 
almost nothing as I am." Then they went on with 
their drinking — that is, the four. When Squire Wolf- 
gang's son was drunk he lay partially down, with his 
elbows on the table. Then the squire, his father, 
began to chide him mournfully, as though he had com- 
mitted a terrible vice. When he had supped, I and 
Myconius went to bed, but they really began to take a 
sleeping-cup ; they sang and shouted in a horrible man- 
ner. Afterward we discovered that they had indeed 
been fourteen days in Zurich, that they had with one 
another celebrated the funeral of Zwingli and others 
who were killed with those who had found more 
joy than sorrow therein. When we on the morrow 
went over Melif eld Myconius said to me : " How did 
the behaviour of the nobility yesterday please you? 



MYCONIUS ALSO GOES THITHER 185 

To fill one another full to suffocation is no shame, but 
to lean a little bit with one's elbows on the table that is 
such a shame and deserved curses ! " 

After we came to Basel, Myconius stopped with 
Oporinus, but I went to the college. After some days 
Myconius was to make the " Six " — or the council ser- 
mon. I know not whether one had asked him or not. 
I came to him. There he lay yet. I said to him: 
" Father, get up, you must preach/' He said : " What, 
must I preach ? " And he rose up quickly and said to 
me: "What shall I preach? Tell me." I said: "I 
know not." He said : " I wish to know from you ! " 
Then I said: "Explain to us, whence and why, 
the misfortune has come which now has befallen us." 
He said : " Write it for me on a little piece of paper ! " 
That I did and gave him my Testament, wherein he 
laid the little piece of paper, went out to the chapel, 
treated of the question before learned people, who had 
come thither to hear him, as they would one who was 
preaching for the first time. Thereupon they won- 
dered, so that I have heard say after the sermon, 
among others Dr. Sulterus to Dr. Simon Grynaus, who 
was at that time a student, " Simon, let us pray 
God, that this man remain here, for he can teach." 
Then was he chosen at St. Albans. Then I accom- 
panied him again back to Zurich, and went again to 
Basel to my studies. But he, when he was dismissed 

in honour, came with his wife to Basel and my wife 
14 



186 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

came with him. He began to preach at St. Albans. 
So many people went to hear him that it was con- 
cluded to take him in Dr. Ocolampadms's place. 
Until this time Mr. Thomas Gyrenfalk had adminis- 
tered the office. 



CHAPTEE XIV 

PROFESSOR IN THE PEDAGOGIUM— READER— CALL 
TO SITTEN— JOURNEY THROUGH SWITZERLAND 
—BATH CURE 

Thereupon" I took Greek lectures in the Pedagogium 
and read the grammar of Caporinus and dialogues of 
Lueian. But Oporinus was appointed that he should 
read the poets. But not long thereafter a pestilence 
broke out, and Jacob Ruberus, reader to Dr. Hervagius, 
and the most loved companion of Oporinus and myself, 
died. Then Dr. Sulterus came for a while in his place 
in service to Dr. Hervagius. But when he saw that 
this employment rather hindered than assisted him in 
his studies, he advised me that I should accept it. I 
feared the business was too difficult for me, but Dr. 
Hervagius would not desist until I had accepted it. I 
carried this on for four years with the greatest labour 
and care. 

Thereafter it happened that in the council at Sitten 
at Christmas they decided to appoint me as school- 
master, and the head councillor, Simon Alben, was 
commanded to write to me and bid me come. This 
was delayed until Shrove Tuesday, also because I 
was to overlook the printing-press for Hervagius, 

187 



188 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

while he was at the fair at Frankfort. There was a 
little provost in another college by the name of Chris- 
tian Herbort, who had formerly been in Basel, then 
later had gone to Freiburg, there he pretended he 
would no longer be in Basel on account of the heresy; 
thereafter he came again to Basel. There they would 
not receive him unless he swore an oath that he was of 
our religion. This he swore, and said he would not re- 
main at Freiburg in the idolatry. The same had table 
companions from Valais, one of whom had heard how 
they sought after me. Then he went away to Mitte- 
fasten, came to the Bishop, announced to him, but with 
lies, that I would not come, for I had said I did not 
wish to go into the idolatrous place; that I ate meat on 
the forbidden days, and other things more. Then the 
Bishop believed it willingly. For before this I was 
already suspected by him on account of religion. Then 
the little man was accepted. When he came again to 
Basel, I went to him in the college, asked him where he 
had been. He said: "In Valais." I said: "What 
have you done there ? " He had had some business, he 
said. Then I said : " You have had business as a knave 
and a rascal, as you are! You have lied about me. 
But I will also go thither, and if I hear that you have 
lied about me, then I will prepare a good time for 
you and show that you are a mameluke." I went 
thither, for I had especial business in my home. 

When I came to Visp the Bishop was just there and 



PROFESSOR IN THE PEDAGOGIUM 189 

was confirming. Captain Simon was also there ; he had a 
house there. I went to him. He was at first very 
much dissatisfied that I had not come in time; they 
had already chosen another, and showed to me with 
what tricks he had deceived the Bishop ; " and only 
yesterday he sent a messenger here and wrote that 
you would come, but that one should not believe your 
word." This the Bishop had told him. Now, 
therefore, said the councillor, the priests have 
chosen a school-master themselves, now let them 
have him. I would have gone willingly to the 
Bishop, but it was in vain until he came to Gasen. 
Then he permitted me to be admitted, and when he saw 
me he said: " Thomas, while Esau was on the hunt 
Jacob took the blessing away from him." I said : " But 
has your princely grace only one blessing." Then he bid 
me welcome, and said they had said to him that I would 
not come. I was suspected on account of the faith, for 
at Basel I had eaten meat at all times on forbidden 
days, and other things as well. Then I said: "Yes, 
worthy sir, and he that has said this of me has also 
many times eaten meat on such days." That is in- 
deed true; for we both very often with Dr. Paul 
Phrygionus have eaten with one another when the doc- 
tor invited me and the little man came to sponge. 
At this speech there were present three canons and the 
land councillor, Antonius Venetz ; and they gave me to 
understand, since the little man had this character, 



190 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

they would let him go and take me. But I said: 
" ~No ; he would sit down between two stools ; I had 
already had a good place, and so forth." I went again 
to Basel. 

Before this time, it had once happened, when I had 
no position, that my true and dear companion, Henry 
Billing, asked me that I should make a journey with 
him within the confederacy, and said he would then 
go with me to Valais. Thus we went first to 
Schaffhausen, Constance, thereafter to Linden; there 
he had business. From there to St. Gall, Toggenburg, 
Eapperswyl, to Zug, Schwitz, to Uri. They did us all 
honour, because they heard that we were from Basel. 
Thence we went in the Ursern Valley to Eealp. 
But when Henry saw the mountain, he was so afraid 
in the night that he was doubtful whether he wished 
to go over the mountain on the morrow; he was timid, 
so that the landlady said : " If all from Basel are so 
timid, they will not conquer those of Valais. I am a 
poor, weak woman, or I would take the child" — this 
she had with her — "by the hand to-morrow and cross 
over." Henry did not sleep well that night. We em- 
ployed a strong Alpine guide, who should go with us to 
show us the way; he took a staff over his shoulder, 
went ahead in the snow and sang, so that it echoed in 
the mountains. He slipped a little and fell in a low 
place; for it was yet tolerably dark and before day. 
When Henry saw him fall he would not go ahead one 



PROFESSOR IN THE PEDAGOGIUM 191 

step and said to me: "You go to Valais, I will go 
back to Basel." But I would not go from him in the 
wilderness, but accompanied him back again. Then I 
was so gloomy that we did not speak much with one 
another for a day. We came again to Uri and then on 
the Lake. Then came a wind, so that Henry was very 
much terrified, and said to the boatman : " Eow to the 
land, I will not travel farther." He said : " There is 
no danger." But he behaved so troublesomely that he 
had to row to the land not far from the place where 
William Tell sprang out of the boat. We came to a 
little village. At night when we wished to go to bed 
we had to lie in the straw. In the morning we went to 
Beckenreid, thence to Unterwalden, thence over the 
Brunig to Hasli. Then I said : " Now you have a good 
road to Thun, then to Bern, and then to Basel." Then 
we parted, and I went over the Grimsel mountain to 
Valais. 

Captain Simon who was favourable to me was there. 
He was master of colonies, had read in the Academy 
of Basel the Offices of Cicero, thereafter at Eome had 
for ten years conducted affairs before the pope for 
Georgius of " auf der Flue," and on account of the 
province against Cardinal Matthew Schinner. He was 
well trained in the Latin language. He said to me: 
"I wish to undertake a journey to the Brieger baths 
for the gout; bathe with me, and I will pay for the 
journey." Then I journeyed with him, for the bath is 



192 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

not a half-mile from Visp. The baths affected him, 
so that some of us had to carry him to the bath, he 
bathed two hours, and then came away on two crutches. 
There came thither also the Duke of Milan, captain of 
the mercenary guards; he had spent nine hundred 
ducats on physicians (for his thigh), and nothing 
helped him. He bathed there also. His thigh was 
cured in three days, and so remained. I have seen this 
and other things which were wonderful to hear. 

I had a very good journey to the baths, only that 
the eating did not please me, so that I could eat almost 
none of the rye bread and drink no wine, for it was 
too strong for me. I complained to the landlord. He 
was called Captain Peter Owling, a very fine man; 
he had also studied well in Milan. I said to him, 
" Oh, that you had sour wine ! " He ordered me wine 
from Morill; it was terribly sour, for it is there very 
wild, and is the highest wine that grows in the land. 
When the wine came he said : " Platter, I wish to give 
you the wine." There were three hundred litres. He 
gave me a beautiful crystal glass which would hold 
quite a quantity. With this I went to the cellar and 
took the greatest drink that I, I believe, have taken 
in my whole life; for I had had for a long time the 
greatest thirst, and had a bad breaking out; I drank 
nothing except warm spring water. When I had taken 
the drink I cared for the wine no more, and came 
then again to the eating and drinking. To Captain 



PROFESSOR IN THE PEDAGOGIUM 193 

Simon very many things were given at the bath ; among 
other things more than seventy pheasants were given 
to him; I brought some feathers from them to Basel. 
As I had sent no message and had been away nine 
weeks they said I was certainly killed on the mountains. 



CHAPTEE XV 

THE PRINTER AND BASEL BURGHER 

But now when the visit to the baths was over I went 
again to Basel and became first corrector to Hervagius, 
as hitherto has been stated, similarly also professor in 
the Pedagogium. But when I saw how Hervagius and 
other printers had a good business, and with little work 
made good profit, I thought : " I should like also to 
become a printer ! " So also thought Dr. Oporinus, 
who also assisted much in the publishing house. There 
was also a very good type-setter of the guild "at the 
bench," Balthasar Ruch, who had a good disposition 
and who was very ambitious, who was a good com- 
panion of Oporinus and myself. Our plan was well 
arranged, but nowhere any money. There was Ku- 
precht Winter, the brother-in-law of Oporinus, who 
had a wife, who would gladly have been a publisher's 
wife, for she saw the printer's women live in such 
splendour, for which she was well fitted; for she had 
enough property; of spirit only too much. She coun- 
selled her husband, Ruprecht, that he should become 
a printer with his brother-in-law Oporinus. Then we 
four became partners: Oporinus, Ruprecht, Balthasar, 
194 



THE PRINTER AND BASEL BURGHER 195 

and I; we purchased the outfit of Mr. Andrew Cra- 
tander. For he and his son Polycarp had become 
book-dealers, because his wife, as she said, would 
no longer occupy herself with the daubing. We gave him 
eight hundred florins for the printing outfit, to be paid 
within a certain time. 

At the time that I was proof-reader, my second 
child, little Margaret, was born. She was born in 
the house that for a long time was in the possession of 
the school-master of St. Peter's, and is even yet. The 
school-master at that time was Anthony Wild; he had 
been a monk. Then I moved to the next house. There 
was born another child, called Urseli. One day she 
would have fallen out of the window had not Max 
Wolf, who was a boarder and had the child by the 
window, caught her by her little feet. 

Thus we began the printing together. I became a 
burgher, and was incorporated in the guild " Of the 
Bears," where Balthasar and Euprecht had already 
been incorporated. But Oporinus belonged to his 
father's guild, "Zum Himmel," for he himself was a 
famous painter. We immediately borrowed money, as 
it was necessary to the business. But Euprecht pawned 
to-day the one, on the morrow another thing. Then I 
thought each of us should go alternately to each fair. 
However, it did not happen, but always two of us went 
to Frankfort, then the women desired that one should 
purchase much. They wished beautiful cushions and 



196 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

tin utensils. I bought iron utensils. We brought 
sometimes an entire barrelful of gifts, but little 
money. I thought this will not end well. We had also 
each week our support out of it, two florins to each 
one, except Euprecht; for he did not work, except that 
he pawned things for money. As now that was not 
pleasing to me and I said : " We will ruin the man " ; 
then Balthasar Ruch became hostile to me and thought 
to disgrace me. Once when it was near to the time of 
the fair, and we could not finish printing the work, 
unless we also printed on a holiday, then one Sunday 
we printed the whole day. Then we must give the 
journeymen to eat and also more wages. In the night, 
about eleven o'clock, I was correcting a proof; then 
Balthasar began to be out of sorts, at last also to curse, 
and said : " I scarcely know, you Walliser, what is the 
matter with you, whatever one does, it is never right." 
He had been steward in the printing establishment, " Of 
the Bears " ; we had rented the house from Cratander. 
I gave him an answer to the evil words. Then he re- 
mained silent, seized a heavy pine board, came from 
behind, while I was correcting the proof, and wished 
to strike me with it on the head with both hands. 
Then I glanced thither and saw the blow, stood up 
and warded off the stroke with my arm. We came at 
one another with rushes and blows. He scratched me 
very badly on the face, and tried to gouge out an eye 
with his fingers. When I noticed this, I doubled my 



THE PRINTER AND BASEL BURGHER 197 

fist and struck him on the nose, so that he fell on his 
back, and lay there a good while, so that his wife stood 
over him and screamed : " Oh woe, you have killed my 
husband." With that the journeymen printers who 
had just gone to bed rose up quickly and came down. 
He lay there yet, and my face was very bloody from 
the scratches. Soon thereafter he rose up and wished 
to come at me again. I said: "Let him come now, 
and I will give him a better one yet." Then the print- 
ers pushed me out of the door. I went with a light 
home to the house behind the school-master's house. 
My wife, when she saw me, cried out : " Oh, you have 
certainly fought one another." 

On the following day our partners came and were 
much displeased, as were also the journeymen, that we 
should be their masters and yet fight with one another. 
Then two of my partners, Balthasar and Oporinus, 
went to Frankfort. When he came back again he had 
yet a scar on the nose in the place between the eyes, 
which he carried for eight weeks, but I on the middle 
finger, on the knuckle also, had a scar for four weeks. 

When now they came again they were determined to 
fix me in the guild. Then God gave me my dear son 
Felix; I do not think that I could have had greater 
joy. Then Dr. Paul Phrygius, pastor of St. Peter's, 
christened him; but Master Simon Grynaus and John 
Walterus, printers, were godfathers, and Mrs. Macha- 
rius Nussbaum, godmother. When Dr. Grynaus 



198 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

went with me out of the church he said to me : " You 
have properly called him Felix, for he will be a joy, 
or all my mind deceives me." 

Now when I had been there a long time, the business 
pleased me the less the longer I stayed. For we yet 
continued to borrow and paid off nothing. We were 
now indebted almost two thousand guilders. Then I 
said : " I will no longer be in the partnership, we will 
completely ruin Ruprecht." This did not please some 
of them, especially Euch. But I desired one should 
take stock of all the books at Frankfort, then I would 
take stock of all the books at home. Likewise with 
what others were indebted to us and we to other people. 
Thus it came to pass. Then I found we were indebted 
over two thousand florins. Then we had books and 
obligations therefor, so that to each of us there be- 
longed yet one hundred florins. Then we divided the 
manuscripts and all the working materials. Then 
Ruprecht said: "Who now wishes to reserve his part, 
let him give me security, so that mine will be secured." 
Then Balthasar gave Mr. Cratander as security, but 
Oporinus and Ruprecht remained partners ; but I said : 
" If you will trust me, I will pay you honestly." Ru- 
precht would not willingly do this. Then I did not 
wish to approach any one for security, and gave over 
everything to Ruprecht, also the one hundred florins, so 
that, however hereafter it might happen to him, I would 
not have a share in it. For at that time he could have 



THE PRINTER AND BASEL BURGHER 199 

come out of it without any disadvantage. For Bebelius 
wished to take all things together and cancel his mort- 
gage. But perhaps he was destined to be ruined, for 
it happened so hereafter. For a long time Oporinus 
and he printed with one another, and they also sepa- 
rated. Euprecht went on alone, against my advice, until 
he had spent all; for he did not himself understand 
the trade. Balthasar also was ruined, so that they lost 
by him some thousand guilders. Oporinus held out for 
the longest time; but they at last lost much 
through him also. Almost all the three died in the dis- 
tress of debt. But I, since I had given up my part to 
Euprecht — he left me an Italic writing and a few 
others — that I afterward paid off by printing. 

At that time there was a very fine craftsman in 
printing, Peter Schaffer, by whose family the printing 
establishment in Mainz was founded. He had type 
punches for almost all writings. He gave me the 
matrices for a very little money; some of these he ad- 
justed for me and cast for me; some Master Martin 
cast for me, some he, who was called Utz, an engraver, 
so that now I was quite well supplied with all styles 
of types and presses. Then some gentlemen gave me to 
print; as Mr. Wattenschnee, Frobenius, Episkopius, Her- 
vagius, Michael Isengrinius. From this contract I 
made some profit ; I also received apprentices ; I taught 
them myself with industry. That was profitable for 
me, for in a short time they set for me the daily task 



200 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

in Greek and Latin. I lived in a house on Eisengasse; 
there I had a shop, and also had books for sale. But 
I did not make much thereby, but got into debt. But 
I soon ceased to sell books, supported myself with the 
printing, contract work, and also my own work; there- 
with I went to Frankfort. 



CHAPTEE XVI 

DEBT— SICKNESS— PURCHASE OF HOUSES 

The dear old gentlemen, Conrad Bosch, now de- 
ceased, and Cratander, saw clearly that I would get 
myself heavily in debt, and that I was even already in 
debt. Mr. Conrad said: "Thomas, watch yourself, 
and give heed, that you shun the little creditors the 
most, for it is much easier to become indebted to one 
for a thousand guilders than for ten or twenty. For 
the little dogs always make such very great outcry that 
one can scarcely trust them. The large dogs one can 
much better keep silent." But Cratander gave me 
the advice that among them to whom I was indebted 
I should always consider that one to be the best who 
applied to me the most frequently to pay. For these 
would be much more useful to me, and would hold me 
up ; for the others, who demanded nothing of me, made 
me negligent. " They have harmed me most, who have 
loaned me the more, the longer I borrowed, so that I 
at last have come into the greatest debt. I little know 
how things will go after my death." This he said to me 
on his deathbed, for he died soon thereafter. And if 
Bebelius and Frobenius had not done the best to con- 
15 201 



202 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

duct his affairs, then would it have gone most evilly 
with his heirs. 

While I was in this house I was sick unto death, 
lay fully eight weeks, and became indebted 1,400 
guilders, when God raised me up again. I wished 
to take another house, for I desired to leave the book- 
seller's business, and hence I did not need the shop. 
Also my printing room was small and dark. There- 
upon I came in possession of the house wherein I am 
yet from Mr. John Kachtler, the secretary of the 
Cathedral. I had to pay sixteen florins yearly for the 
two houses. Yet he kept for himself a closet in Felix's 
room. Herein he kept his possessions. Here I first 
prepared a paper-printing establishment, so that I 
could print with three presses, and carry on printing 
for Dr. Hervagius, Frobenius, Isengrinius, and others, 
who gave to me; likewise for myself. Then I also had 
more than twenty boarders, so that I made much 
thereby and gradually paid off my debt. Immediately 
after I had bought the houses, I also made my well. 
Without the chimney this cost me 100 florins. For 
when I had been in the house two or three years, 
and had paid large rent and yet had no property, God 
gave me the idea I should buy the house. Also other 
honest people — namely, the burgermeister, "zum 
Hirschen," also Mr. Macharius Nuszbaum counselled 
me. Both directed me that I should go to Freiburg to 
Kachtler, and request him that he should come to 



DEBT— SICKNESS— PURCHASE OF HOUSES 203 

Schlingen. Then they would in person ride after me 
to Schlingen, and help me make the purchase. But 
when I came to Freiburg to Kachtler, and told it to 
him, he said he would permit no man on that account 
to ride thither, but would close the sale with me, so 
that he himself would not blush, but whoever would 
hear of it would say it was a good sale; and he would 
give me an entire year for the time of payment; but 
he wished no right of redemption. He sold me the two 
houses, the Weissenburg and the next one, for 750 flor- 
ins; then I was to ask for some house furniture, which 
he yet had in the house. Of these, I wished some 
pieces, which he thought were worth 50 florins. But 
the sale of the mentioned pieces and the two houses was 
made for 750 florins. Then he asked : " How much I 
would give of ready money." I answered : " Nothing ; I 
wished to pay interest." He asked what I would de- 
posit, and whom I would give as security. I said : " I 
will give you no securities, for I will afflict no one there- 
with, but I will mortgage to you the house and what 
I have therein, my household furniture and printing 
establishment." He said : " Whoever loans money on a 
house or accepts it as a mortgage, lends on a tub of 
ashes." Then I said : " Trust me, and I will act hon- 
estly towards you." He believed me; for I think the 
Father in Heaven, who was on my side, persuaded him ; 
for otherwise he scarcely would have trusted me without 
securities. Then it was his opinion that I should pay 



204 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

interest on the 500 florins, each year 25 florins, the re- 
maining 250 florins I should pay as follows : The first 
year, with the interest, 150 florins ; the following year, 
with the interest, 100 florins. That was also deter- 
mined upon, and I gave the wife a gold guilder. 

When I showed my good patrons in Basel the sale, 
they were astonished over the bargain, and said I 
should write him that I would annul the redemption, 
and thus close the sale. I think, Kachtler thought 
that I would pay much of the sum and then get stuck, 
so that I could not pay any more, and the house 
would come back to him, as it had also occurred pre- 
viously with another house, which he had sold, and 
after the greater part was paid, the purchaser was 
killed, and the house came back to him again. The 
third house he did not wish to sell at first, but kept it 
for himself, so that, if the canons came back again, he 
would have one house of his own. But before the year 
was over he wro^e to me that I should also buy the 
third house from him, on account of the space before 
the houses. He wished to sell it, for he did not think 
that he would come back again to Basel; perhaps one 
might buy it who would occupy the place with a stable 
or something else that would be a nuisance to me. 
Therefore, since he had trusted me with the two houses, 
he would also trust me with the third, and sell the same 
for 200 florins in gold. I asked the burgomaster for 
advice. He said : " Buy it; God, who will help you pay 



DEBT—SICKNESS— PURCHASE OF HOUSES 2D5 

for the two, will also help you pay for the third." But, 
in regard to the gold guilders, I should write to him 
that I did not agree in regard to them; that he should 
let me have it for 200 in small coin. For some time 
he refused this through letters ; at last he wished me for- 
tune therewith, and allowed it to me for 200 florins, on 
this account, so that if the houses should come back 
to him again, they would not be separated. Therefore 
I was now indebted to him 950 florins, and was 
obliged to pay interest to him on 500 florins; the re- 
maining to be paid the first year 200 florins, the next 
200 florins, the third 50 florins, every year with the 
interest on 500 florins. And if I should desire to re- 
deem it, I should pay 200 florins at a time. Therefore 
I paid him the 450 florins in the three years as had been 
agreed upon. And when I brought to him at the time of 
redemption the first 200 florins, I asked that hereafter, 
instead of that, he would take for each further year 
100 florins, together with the interest, as it was too 
difficult for me to give 200 florins. He would not do 
this. I then went home again in anger, and looked 
after money, that I might pay in the next year 300 
florins, and really paid him all in five years. This was 
arranged for the most part through Spirer, who exe- 
cuted the sale for me, but I always paid the money 
there to Zacheus, but Kachtler gave me a receipt. He 
has often praised me, as I have been told, and said he 
had never had a better debtor than me, and the houses 



206 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

belonged to me by right. For Squire Petteman von 
Offenburg had desired to purchase them, and to give 
600 florins in cash; yet he would rather let me have 
them. Thereafter I also perceived that I had made no 
bad purchase, for our mint-master said : " Had he 
known that the houses had been for sale, then they 
would not have become mine; he would give me 1,200 
florins for the one." Therefore I must justly praisf 
God, and give him the honour before all, and after- 
ward the good people, who have helped me therewith 
and have counselled me. 

Not long thereafter a pestilence broke out, and be- 
cause I had many table boarders the deputies desired 
not that I should send them from me, but that I 
should retreat with them to Liestal and write thither 
that they should assist me in finding a dwelling. Then 
Uli Wantz received me, and there were of us, I and 
the boarders, about thirty-five. They gave me here 
some rooms and some furniture. I gave him two and 
a half mark each week for house-rent. After sixteen 
weeks 1 went again into the city, began to carry on my 
business and to print. My dear child, little Margaret, 
died of the pestilence, of whom they said, she was a 
very pretty child; she was, as I remember, about six 
years old. 

It had even before that come to pass when Oporinus 
and I were professors, and the city clerk, at that time 
councillor, had asked me in his house how it yet hap- 



DEBT— SICKNESS— PURCHASE OF HOUSES 207 

pened that the University did not prosper — after many- 
words I said : " It seems to me the professors are far 
too many, for there are often almost more professors 
than students. If there were four famous men, which 
one could easily find, for at that time there was much 
unrest in Germany, which one ought to pay well, and 
then four more which could be paid less; that would 
be eight persons. If each one read each day one lec- 
ture with industry, or if one would take yet fewer and 
each read every day two lectures, then would students 
enough come thither." Then he said: "But what 
would we do with fellow townsmen ? " Then I said : 
"If he desired to look at that, and not to care much 
more for the youth, then I would counsel him no more. 
I am also of the opinion at all times that one should 
favour the people of Basel, if one finds them; if not, 
one should take the best, so that the youth will be 
helped." 

I know not what or where this was decided, because 
Oporinus and I had undertaken the printing business, 
we should either give it up and apply ourselves to the 
profession alone; if not, then we should give up the 
profession; this happened. For we had gone so far in 
the business that we could not leave off from the print- 
ing. Then they gave us a furlough, and began with us 
to do what I had counselled; but that they looked 
around for other people, I have not yet seen. 

After I had purchased the houses, and had paid for 



208 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

them, I went on with the printing and had a bad time, 
also my wife and children, for the children often 
rubbed the paper so that their fingers bled. But it 
went well with me financially. For with the printing 
alone I was able to make each year 200 florins to im- 
prove my printing establishment and household furni- 
ture. Also I borrowed money and paid it, and always 
found people who would loan it to me. But when 
unrest, warlike activities, and even war arose in every 
land, printers became unwilling to print much, and 
carry the stock of books, and the journeymen were so un- 
prepared that I had almost an aversion to print more. 



CHAPTER XVII 
RECTOR OF THE SCHOOL AT THE CASTLE, 1541 

Thus the deputies, Dr. Grynaus, Mr. Yoder Brant, 
the mayor, and others often advised me that I should 
leave off from printing and become school-master. For 
they had had several school-masters in a few years, and 
the school " at the Castle " had almost come to an end. 
One day I came to Mr. Rudolph Fry, who was the 
head deputy and forester to the Castle, and asked 
him whether he would sell a parchment book ; for I saw 
him sell these large, beautiful books, and indeed very 
cheap. Since I had continually many boarders, I had 
purchased the parchment willingly, to give to them, 
wherewith to bind little books. He said there was no 
more to sell. Among other things he asked me again 
if I would cease to print. I said it had begun to be 
almost disagreeable to me. He said : " Dear sir, be- 
come a school-master. Thereby you will do my master 
a service, will serve God and the world/' Then he re- 
lated it to our gracious masters. They sent the city 
clerk to me, also Dr. Grynaus. Dr. Grynaus said to 
me: "Become a school-master, there is no more god- 
like office. There is nothing I would rather be, if only 

209 



210 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

I did not have to repeat things." They incited Dr. 
Myconius also, for they thought that I could not refuse 
him. Myconius told me how they had advised with him 
on my account. I asked him what he advised. He 
said : " I would prefer you to any one else in the city. 
But I will not advise you at all; you will not be able 
to reconcile yourself with the University; I know you, 
you will desire to follow your own ideas. They will 
not permit that." They counselled with me so much 
that I agreed. Then our deputies invited me to the 
Council House; it was arranged with me. Then I de- 
sired first, if they desired to intrust the school to me, 
they must prepare and support it, similarly three as- 
sistants and a salary wherewith I could support myself ; 
then I would accept it. If not, then I did not know 
how to direct a school with advantage and honour. 
This was all granted to me. The salary was difficult 
to arrange ; I asked 200 florins, 100 for myself and 100 
for the assistants. They promised this to me and 
asked me that I should not tell it to any one; for 
they had never given any one so much, and would 
never again give one so much. This was all agreed 
upon; the University was not consulted concerning it, 
which vexed them not a little. For they would have 
arranged otherwise with me, and especially would have 
inculcated that I should make myself subject to the 
University,^ do what they told me, adjust their regu- 
lations to the school, that I should read what they pre- 



A RECTOR OF THE SCHOOL 211 

scribed me, and above all, that I should become a mas- 
ter, and many other things that occurred to them just 
at that time. 

After this I went away to Strassburg, wished to in- 
vestigate their order of studies and to confer with my 
brother Lithonius, who was preceptor of the third class, 
and to arrange as much as was appropriate for my 
school. Thereupon I returned, established my four 
classes ; for before this all the pupils were in the lower 
room ; up to this time also they heated only the lower 
room; for at that time there were only a few pupils. 
Now when I began to hold school, I had to deliver in 
writing to those of the University my Order of Classes, 
and what I read for every hour of the entire week. 
That did not please them at all. I read higher authors 
than they in the Pedagogium. And above all they 
would not permit that I should read dialectic. They 
complained of me so often that the councillors began 
to wonder what dialectic might be, concerning which 
one wrangled so and had for so long. Thereupon I 
explained to the burgomaster, Mr. Yoder Brant, who 
had asked me what dialectic was, he wondered why 
they wished to forbid me. When they had a con- 
vocation on Whitsuntide, they again passed the unani- 
mous judgment that I should not teach dialectic. But 
I did not worry myself about it, went ahead, because I 
had the pupils that could hear it with profit. For the 
other Faculties were not altogether against it ; only the 



212 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

Faculty of Arts was against it ; they said it brought the 
University the greatest reproach that so few boys should 
be matriculated. This was of great importance to them. 
This quarrel continued for six years, until a pestilence 
so diminished my school that I had no pupils who de- 
sired to study dialectic. After this they began to vex 
me that I should become a Master of Arts; that also 
continued for a long time. The deputies also agreed 
in this. When now I would not do this, I was accused 
before my gracious sirs ; they gave me to understand 
that it did not become the city well to have a school- 
master who was not a Master of Arts. But they did 
not call me before the council. The substance of the 
matter was that they wanted to obtain power over the 
school. They were envious of this; but from whom 
and through whom I know well; for the honourable 
council has never complained concerning my school. 
They not only received the power over my school, but 
also over the church, under this pretence — that it would 
be well if school and church were united into one body. 
This had then a fine appearance; but what came out 
of it one sees daily; how officiously all things are 
supervised. For as every professor received also an 
appointment as a preacher, on this account neither 
this nor that was better conducted and administered. 

When now they had acquired authority over my 
school, they made regulations also concerning the en- 
trance and examinations. But when I was not pleased 



A RECTOR OF THE SCHOOL 213 

with all, as not profitable to the school, and some even 
harmful, it was decided by the authorities of the Uni- 
versity that they should hear me concerning it ; I should 
choose for myself one or two from the University Fac- 
ulty of Arts, and they also should select as many ; they 
should reconcile us with one another. This came to 
pass, and I was well pleased with the result, for they 
did not alter in the least my previously used Kegula- 
tions. But when the affair was not settled according 
to their desire, they complained once more, for they 
were always too few who desired to enter; and it came 
from this that I read what one should read in the 
University. The struggle had such an appearance that 
the deputies themselves were compelled to interfere; 
they examined me and those from the Faculty of Arts ; 
thus it was settled. 

Again they wished that I should bring my pupils 
twice a year to the College, and there present them to 
be examined. I was not willing to do that, but desired 
that they should come to the school as often as they 
wished, and there examine them, or listen when some 
one examined them. But when I was not willing to 
do what they wished I was strongly condemned; then 
the deputies came to me very much displeased. I said, 
" I see well that there will be no end to the complaints, 
I would rather that one should take a school-master 
who will do everything that they wish." When now 
this had lasted some years, the burgomaster, Mr. Yoder 



214 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

Brant, summoned me to him and counselled with me 
a long time, desiring that I should obey him in this, 
and permit my pupils to be examined once in the col- 
lege. Then if it did not please me, I could another 
time hold it in the school. I said : " Sir, the only 
thing that they want is that they also can assert to 
my gracious sirs that they care for the schools, and 
they will then continue to make arrangements con- 
stantly as it pleases now this one and now that one, 
and there is the school at an end. Therefore I cannot 
agree to that." Then he said : " Then you will be left 
undisturbed no more, and will see yourself accused 
before the council ; for I will not hide it from you that 
you are accused before the council for the ninth time/' 
I said : " Why have they not then allowed me to come 
at least for a defence ? " He said : " Our gracious sirs 
have not yet judged of it for good, but hold out with 
lances and poles that it may not yet come to pass. For 
what do you think that many of the councillors' friends 
would think if so many powerful men, doctors and 
others, who are all from Basel, would stand against 
you there; and you a foreigner, who have no degree, 
were against them? How will you act then?" I 
answered: "If then no one will support me, yet I 
know that I have a just cause; I will testify to that 
and prove to all impartial scholars. Then I will 
ask the dear God that he will support me, and then 
await to see how well it will go." Then the man 



A RECTOR OF THE SCHOOL 215 

laughed, offered me his hand, and said : " Go ahead/' 
When I went away he said once more to me : " Please, 
sir, do what I have counselled you; with that you will 
do an honourable council a favour." Then I agreed 
to it; he thanked me with the promise if he could 
serve me then he would spare nothing. Afterward 
when he had reported it to the council, some of the 
gentlemen came to me, praised me on this account, also 
informed me how it had pleased my gracious sirs that 
we had agreed. 

At the next quarterly feast I led my class thither; 
I permitted them to be examined. Then they went 
about the matter and vexed one another for quite a 
while because somewhat divided over it, and therefore 
called me to conduct the examination. I said they 
should do it; that I examined them every day in the 
school; yet I permitted myself to be persuaded, and 
conducted it even to this time. I had thought that 
the examinations were planned for this season, that 
one could see whether things were progressing much, 
but those who should listen sat there and chattered. 
Examinations are good for nothing, for one can ex- 
plain scarcely a line, and then one calls go on; it is 
only for this reason that one should think they apply 
themselves with the greatest industry. Thus I alone 
brought the classes out of my school thither for some 
years. I asked why should not the other school-mas- 
ters bring their pupils also. Then it was declared that 



216 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

they should bring theirs also. They also ordered that 
always two of the magistrates should visit the schools 
once every quarter. Perhaps they came once, perhaps 
not; they began then to chat a little with the school- 
master and went away again. Of what value was it? 
After I had become school-master I went to Frank- 
fort, sold my books there to Bartlus Vogel, of Witten- 
berg, so that scarcely the price of the paper was paid 
me. Those which I yet had in Basel, Jacob de Puys, 
of Paris, bought from me. But I sold the printing 
establishment to Peter Berna cheap. 



CHAPTER XVIII 

PURCHASE OF AN ESTATE— GREAT CREDIT- 
HELP FROM GOD AND MAN 

When it was 1549 on the eighteenth day of June I 
bought the estate of Hugwalders for 660 florins. I 
had no ready money to give him, but I desired to pay 
him interest; with this he was well pleased. But when 
I desired to complete the bill of purchase he demanded 
a mortgage and sureties. I said : " I will mortgage to 
you the estate which I have bought from you and my 
houses." With that I borrowed 200 florins from Mr. 
Frobenius, which I gave him in ready money; and yet 
he would not receive the mortgage without a surety. 
I said: "I have made greater purchases than this, 
and they have trusted me without sureties; I will 
pay you interest on nothing." I looked after money. 
Then the gentleman of "the White Dove" loaned me 
500 florins. With this money I paid Hugwalders. I also 
received 200 florins from Dr. Frobenius's son-in-law, 
called Kannengiesser. I was also yet indebted to Dr. 
Isengerius for 200 florins, which had been inherited by 
him from Dominus Bebelius. At that time I was indebt- 
ed to Dr. Hervagius for 100 sun crowns, which I had 
16 217 



218 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

promised to pay on St. John the Baptist's day of the 
same year that he had loaned it to me. But when it 
was St. John's eve I did not have the money. I went 
at eight o'clock in the morning to Hervagius and told 
him that I could not keep my word ; for I did not have 
the money. Then he said to me with some anger : " I am 
sorry for that, for with my good deed I change a friend 
into an enemy, for I must have the money." I said: 
" No, if God wills, I will not become your enemy, I will 
see what I can do in this matter." I went to the shop 
of Mr. Balthasar Hanus, and was sad. Then Bebelius 
came to me and said: "Why are you so sad, country- 
man?" So he always called me, for he said that the 
Koehensbergers, from where he was, and the Wallisians 
were fellow countrymen. I said : " I should have 
money, and I have none." He said : " Odds ! is it only 
about money ? To whom are you indebted ? " I said : 
" I am indebted to Hervagius for 100 crowns, and 
ought to give it to him to-morrow, and I have not got 
it." He said : " Has he much need of it ? If you want 
money, all good and genuine, I will give it to you." I 
said : " He wishes to have the crowns again." Then 
said Mr. Balthasar Hanus: "Mr. Bebelius, I have here 
upstairs 600 crowns which belong to the Count von 
Gryers. If you will give me the crowns again when 
the Count comes, then I will give the 100 crowns to 
Thomas." Bebelius said: "Yes." Then he gave me 
in the name of Herr Bebelius the 100 crowns, and I 



PURCHASE OF AN ESTATE 219 

gave him a little note which he gave to Dr. Bebelius. 
I took the money, concerning which I knew nothing an 
hour before, and gave it to Hervagius. He was almost 
angry, and thought that I had deceived him. But 
when I told him how it had come about he thanked 
me with the offer that if I needed money hereafter, and 
I should come, he would not leave me in the lurch. 
He ought to do me a little good justly, since I have 
merited from him manifold ones for this reason: I 
had come into the disfavour of Dr. Frobenius and 
Mcolaus Episcopius, who wished to give me to print 
with three presses during ten years from Erasmus 
Frobenius; but when they learned that I concerned 
myself so much in regard to the business with Her- 
vagius in order to appease him, then they took it away 
from me again. I would have been in the ten years 
quite a rich man. For the 100 crowns Bebelius de- 
manded nothing of me, no interest even, until he came 
to his death-bed, and lived not three days more; he 
summoned me through Mr. Bonaventur, of Brun, now 
mayor. When I came he said to me alone : " Thomas, 
do you know for what you are indebted to me?" I 
said : " Yes, sir, 100 crowns." He said : " If I depart 
at this time I will place you in the hands of a man 
who will not oppress you." Now when he died, Isen- 
grinius brought my note. I said : " I have it not now, 
but I will pay you honestly." He said: "If you de- 
sire yet more with it, I will give it to you." I said: 



220 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

" Give me yet enough to make it 200 florins." He gave 
it to me, and then I had to pay interest on it. Thus 
I was without any sureties indebted for so much money 
that some years I had to give 60 florins interest ; but I 
discharged it by degrees. So that no money collector 
has ever come to my house, God be praised ! 



CHAPTEE XIX 

PARENTS' SORROW AND PARENTS' JOY- 
SON'S DOCTORATE AND MARRIAGE 

Not long thereafter a pestilence once more broke 
out, and since I had many boarders all the time they 
did not wish to go away from me, but asked that I go 
with them to the country estate. I did this in the week 
before Whitsuntide. On Whitsuntide we went in to 
church. Then this evil thing befell my dear daughter 
Ursela who died on Thursday in the country. On Fri- 
day my neighbours took her away ; she was buried at St. 
Elizabeth's; she was seventeen years old. Then all of 
my boarders left me except the son of Mr. von Rollen, 
who remained with me quite alone. On this account, 
and because of his other virtues, I would have received 
him as a son, to have raised him up to study, until he 
had received his doctor's degree; but his father, now 
deceased, would not permit him. At the time of the 
pestilence my son Felix was with the clerk of the court 
of the province, Dr. Peter Gawiler, at Roteln. 

When I had purchased the estate of Hugwalders and 
had paid for it, I began to build; first the spring, the 
house, the barn and stable, the vineyard and other 

221 



222 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

things, which seemed necessary to me. Then I had 
great expense and not less work, for all the time I gave 
the work-people from the city their wages and meals. 
I also purchased from Lux Dechem three acres of 
meadow for 130 florins. Now, after I had built, and 
went out each day several times, my gracious sirs 
thought that it was not possible that I could attend 
to the estate and the school; there were very many 
speeches before the council and on the street, espe- 
cially with the University men; on this account I had 
many overseers. But when one could not notice that I 
neglected anything they left me in peace, and now for 
some years unsuspected. 

After my son Felix had returned from Eoteln, and 
had studied literature for a long time, he had a desire 
to study medicine, and to that I desired very willingly 
to help him. I had received an exchange student from 
Montpelier, and sent him thither, where he then applied 
his time well, and because my dear daughter Ursela 
was dead I desired to have another daughter. So I 
thought where can I find a wife for my son. And be- 
cause the time had not arrived, so that he could marry, 
especially because he wished first to go to France, I 
wished in my heart to choose one with whom I 
could make myself happy, with the hope of the future, 
and pretend to myself that I already had another 
daughter with whom I could gradually become ac- 
quainted. Then no one pleased me better than the 



PARENTS' SORROW AND PARENTS' JOY 223 

daughter of Master Jecklemann, the councillor; and 
that for many reasons not necessary to relate here. 
Therefore I spoke to him concerning his daughter. He 
met me with a friendly answer; that my son was now 
going to France ; they were both quite young ; when he 
came again, and it pleased them both, then he would 
meet me in a friendly way. And it was not his inten- 
tion meanwhile to find her a husband. When Felix 
had cost me quite a little, and had returned home, I 
spoke again to the father. He answered: "When he 
has become a doctor, we will see." When now he be- 
came a doctor with honour I again applied to the 
father. Then he could no longer well delay the matter, 
although it appeared to me that he was not very willing, 
for he feared that I was much in debt. But I said no 
one need worry himself on account of my debts, I 
would, with God's help, pay them without any one's 
assistance, as also I have done, God be praised. There- 
after a day was chosen and settled upon and we there- 
after held the marriage and the wedding-feast with 
honour. The father, Franz, has aided my son to the 
sum of six florins in the expense of his doctor's degree ; 
otherwise no one has had any expense on account of 
my son; and although the custom is that the gracious 
masters should give a new Doctor, Master, or Baccalau- 
reate something as a contribution, my son has received 
nothing. Perhaps it is thus ordered from God, in order 
that no one might be able to upbraid him; one has 



224 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

had no expense with him, on which account he would 
be bound to serve this one or that one. 

When now my son and his wife had been with me 
three years they longed to dwell alone, to keep house 
for themselves, and to obtain some property, for, God 
be praised they were fortunate then, and are yet; and 
what the departed Grynaus wisely said at the christen- 
ing of Felix became true. Concerning his happiness 
and welfare in his housekeeping it is not necessary to 
say much. May it please God, that he and his wife rec- 
ognise this, and give to their Lord praise and thanks 
therefor. Amen. 



CHAPTEE XX 

PESTILENCE AND GRACIOUS EXEMPTION- 
RETROSPECT— GOD BE PRAISED 

Some years after this time a terrible pestilence broke 
out, which respected no age, in which God also seized 
me, thereafter also my wife; yet our dear Father in 
Heaven wished to let us live longer here on earth. 
The Lord showed us grace, so that it redounds to the 
glory of God, our Saviour, Amen. And to the praise 
of God I cannot overlook it, that in all the sickness 
I felt no pain, although my wife, and also other peo- 
ple have suffered great pain. This I also ascribe to the 
mercy of God, who will save us all from eternal pain 
through his son Jesus Christ. Amen, Amen. 

Now I have written for you according to your re- 
quest, my dear son Felix, of the beginning and the 
continuation of my life even to the present time, as 
much as I have been able to remember after so long a 
time; yet not all, for who would be able to do this? 
For besides I have been many times in the greatest 
danger on the mountains, on the water, on the Boden- 
see, on the Lake of Luzern and other lakes, also on the 
Rhine; similarly on the land, as in Poland, Hungaria, 

225 



226 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PLATTER 

Silesia, Saxony, Schwabia, and Bavaria, so much have 
I suffered in my youth besides that, which is revealed 
in this book, that I have often thought, is it possible 
that I yet live, can stand or walk so long a time and 
neither have broken a limb nor received a permanent 
injury? for God has protected me through his angels. 
And as thou seest how poor my beginning and how per- 
ilously my life has been spent, I am come nevertheless 
into considerable fortune and honour, though I received 
almost nothing from my parents, and my wife nothing 
at all from hers. Nevertheless we have come to this, 
that I at one time have come into possession in the 
lovely city of Basel of four houses with considerable 
furniture. This through the greatest labour both of 
myself and my wife ; similarly I have acquired a house 
and court-yard, also a farm, through the grace of 
God; with this also a house in the school; as in the 
beginning I could not even call a little hut in Basel 
my own. And, however humble my origin, God has 
granted me the honour, so that in so widely famous 
a city as Basel I have taught school according to my 
power now for thirty-one years in the next highest 
school to the University, wherein many noblemen's sons 
have been instructed, in which now many doctors or 
otherwise learned men have been; some, and not a few, 
from the nobility, who now possess and rule land and 
people, and others who sit in the courts and councils; 
also at all times have had many boarders who have 



PESTILENCE AND GRACIOUS EXEMPTION 227 

spoken and shown me all honour, they and their fam- 
ilies; that the lovely city of Zurich, similarly, also the 
famous city of Bern has given me its wine of honour, on 
account of the city; and other places besides have hon- 
oured me through their honoured and learned people; 
thus also at Strassburg eleven doctors appeared to hon- 
our me, because I had taught at the beginning of his 
studies my dear departed brother, Simon Lithonius, 
preceptor of the second class ; at Sitten, when they sent 
me the wine from the city, the captain said : " This 
wine of honour the city of Sitten gives to our dear 
fellow countryman, Thomas Platter, as to a father of 
the children of the common land of Valais." What 
shall I say also of you, dear son Felix, of your honour 
and position, that God has given you the honour, that 
you have become known to princes and gentlemen, noble 
and commoners ? All these things, dear son Felix, rec- 
ognise and acknowledge; ascribe nothing to yourself, 
but your life long adjudge to God alone the praise 
and the glory, then will you attain to eternal life. 
Amen. 

Written by Thomas Platter, 1572, on the 12th day 
of February, in the seventy-third year of his age on 
the Lord's Shrovetide, which at that time was on the 
17th day of February. God grant me a happy end 
through Jesus Christ. Amen. 

(l) 

THE END. 



INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION SERIES* 

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Psychological Foundations 
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